By Obi Nwakanma
In an angry retort to a question
thrown at him in his recent Media chat not too long ago, President Muhammadu
Buhari asked, What do they (Igbo) want?
Who is marginalizing them?
*Ojukwu |
In Biafra, under three years, they were making
their own rockets and calculating its distances; distilling their own oil and
making aviation fuel, creating in their Chemical and Biological laboratories,
new cures for diseases like Cholera, shaping their own spare parts, and turning
the entire East into a vast workshop, as Ojukwu put it.
At the end of the war, the Ukpabi Asika regime
brought together these Biafran scientists and set up PRODA. The initiative led,
in the first five years between 1970-1975 under the late Prof. Gordian Ezekwe
and Mang Ndukwe, to designs of industrial machinery models and prototypes for
the East Central State Industrial Masterplan, which remain undeveloped even
today. The Murtala/Obasanjo regime took over PRODA in 1975 by decree, starved
it of funds, and basically destroyed its aims.
Secondly, Federal government policies
centralized all potentials for innovation and entrepreneurship. Before 1983,
states had their Ministries of Trade and Industry. These were charged with
local business registration, trade, and investment promotion, and so on. But
today in
This affected the old Igbo money in Aba and Onitsha ,
who were the arrow-heads of innovation and traditional partners in the advance
of Igbo industrial economy. It is remarkable that as at 1985, a least by a book
published by the Oxford Economist Tom Forrest in 1980, The Advance of African
Capital, the Igbo had the highest investment in machine tools industries in all
of Africa , and the highest depth of investment
in rural, cottage industries. In his prediction in 1980, if that rate of
investment continued, according to Forrest in 1980, the Igbo part of Africa would accomplish an industrial revolution by 1987.
Now, by 1983/85, Federal government policies helped to dismantle the growth of
indigenous Igbo Industry through its targeted national economic policies. As I
have said, there is a corollary between industrial development and innovation.
Thirdly, the severe, strategic staunching of
huge capital in-flow into the East starved Igbo businesses and institutions of
the capacity to utilize or even expand their capacities. There were no
strategic Federal Capital projects in the East. There were no huge
infrastructural investments in the East. The last major Federal government
investment in Igbo land was the Niger
Bridge which was
commissioned in 1966. Any region starved of government funds experiences
catatony and attrition. Private capital is often not enough to create the kind
of synergy necessary for innovation. Rather than invest in the East, from 1970
to date, the Federal government has strategically closed down every capacity
for technological advancement in the East and stripped that region of its
capacity.
By 1966, the Eastern Nigerian Gas masterplan
had been completed under Okpara. But in its review of a Nigeria gas
masterplan, the Federal government strategically circumvented the East. Oil and
Gas are under Federal oversight. The Trans-Amadi to Aba Industrial Gas
network/linkage had been completed in 1966, to pipe gas from Port-Harcourt to Aba . The Federal
government let that go into abeyance and uprooted the already reticulated
pipes. The East was denied access to energy with the destruction of the Power
stations during the war.
The Mbakwe government sought to remedy this by
embarking on two highly critical area of investment necessary for industrial
life: the 5 Zonal water projects, which were 75 completed by 1983, and set for
commissioning in 1984, which was to supply clean water for domestic and
industrial use to all parts of the old Imo state, and the Amaraku and Izombe
Power stations, under the Imo Rural Electrification Project. These were the
first ever massive independent power projects ever carried out by any state
government in Nigeria
which would have made significant part of Igbo land energy independent today.
The supply of daily electricity was possible in Imo as at 1984. The Amaraku
station had come on stream, and the Izombe Gas station was underway, when
Buhari and his men struck.
The first order of business under the Buhari
govt in January 1984, was to declare all that investment by Mbakwe "white
elephant projects." They were abandoned, and left to decay.
Ground had already been acquired and cleared on
the Umuahia-Okigwe road to commence work by the South Korean Auto firm,
Hyundai, under a partnership with Imo for the Hyundai Assembly plant in
Umuahia, to cater to a West African market. The first order of business under
the Buhari government in January 1984, was to declare all that investment by
Mbakwe "white elephant projects." They were abandoned, and left to
decay. The equipment at the Amaraku power station was later sold in parts by
Joe Aneke during Abacha's government. Some of the industries like the Paint and
Resins company, and the Aluminium Extrusion plant in Inyishi were privatized,
and sold. Projects like the massive Ezinachi Clay & Brick works at Okigwe
are at various stages of decay, as memorial to all that effort.
Forthly, you may not remember but Odumegwu
Ojukwu founded and opened the first Nigerian
University of Technology - the University of Technology Port-Harcourt in 1967, under
the leadership of Prof. Kenneth Dike. He had also compelled Shell to establish
the First Petroleum Technology Training Institute in Port-Harcourt in 1966. All
these were dismantled. The PTI was take from Port-Harcourt to Warri, while University of Tech , P/H was reduced to a campus of
UNN, until 1975, when it became Uniport. You will recall that for years, up
till 1981, the only institutions of higher learning in Central Eastern Nigeria
were the University
of Nigeria , Nsukka, IMT
Enugu and Alvan Ikoku College of Ed, in Owerri. There is no innovation without
centers of strategic research.
Mbakwe and Jim Nwobodo changed all that in
1981, when they pushed through their various states Assembly, the bills
establishing the old Anambra State Univ. of Tech (ASUTHECH), under the
presidency of Kenneth Dike, and the IMOSU with its five campuses under the
presidency of Prof MJC Echeruo. The master plan for these universities as
epicenters of research and innovation in the East were effectively grounded
with the second coming of the military in 1984, and the diminution of their
mission through underfunding, etc. As I have said, I have given you the very
short version. After a brief glimpse of light between 1979-83, Igbo land
witnessed the highest form of attrition from 1983- date, and the destruction of
the efforts of its public leadership to restore it to its feet has been
strategic.
Some have been intimidated, and the Igbo
themselves have grown very cynical from that experience of deep alienation from
Nigeria .
I think you should be a little less cynical of Igbo attempts to re-situate
themselves in the Nigerian federation: starved of funds, starved of
investments, subjected to regulatory strictures from a powerful central
government which sees the East in adversarial terms, and often threatened, the
Igbo themselves grew cynical of it all. You may recall, the first move by the
governors of the former Eastern Region to meet under the aegis of the old
Eastern Region's Governors Conference in 1999, was basically checkmated by
Obasanjo who threatened them after they called for confederation in response to
the Sharia issue in the North.
Their attempts to establish liaison offices in
Enugu and create a regional partnership was considered very threatening by the
federal government under Obasanjo, that not too long after, they abandoned that
move, and that was it. If people cannot be allowed to organize for the good of
their constituents, then it only means one thing: it is not in the interest of
certain vested interests in Nigeria
for a return of a common ground in the Eastern part of Nigeria because
establishing that kind of common ground threatens the balance of power. It is
even immaterial if such a common ground leads to Nigeria 's ultimate benefit. There
are people who just find the idea of a common, progressive partnership of the
old Eastern Region threatening to their own long term interests. This is
precisely what is going on - its undercurrent. This of course cannot be
permitted to go on forever. A generation arises which often says, "No! in
Thunder."
The Trans-Amadi to Aba Industrial Gas
network/linkage had been completed in 1966, to pipe gas from Port
Harcourt to Aba .
The FG let that go into abeyance and uprooted the already reticulated pipes.
Igbo population is quite huge, and people who
truly know understand that the Igbo constitute the single largest ethnic nation
in Nigeria .
Much has been made about how this so-called "small" Igbo land space
could accommodate the vast Igbo population. But People also forget that Igbo
land accommodated Igbo who fled from everywhere else in 1967. So, the question
of whether Igbo land is large enough to contain the Igbo is a non-issue. In any
case, Biafra is not only the land of the Igbo.
It goes far beyond Igbo land. But even for the sake of building scenarios, we
stick to Igbo land alone - the great Igbo cities of Enugu ,
Port-Harcourt, Owerri, Aba , Onitsha ,
Asaba, Abakaliki, Umuahia, Awka and Onitsha
are yet to be reach even 30% of their capacities.
New arteries can be built, facilities expanded;
there are innovative ways of moving populations through new transportation
platforms -underneath, above, on the surface, and by waterways. The East of
Nigeria has one of the most complex and connected, and largely disused system
of natural river waterways in the world. New, ecologically habitable towns can
be expanded to form new cities from the Grade A Townships - Agbor, Obiaruku,
Aboh, Oguta, Mgbidi, Orlu, Ihiala, Amawbia/Ekwuluobia, Elele/Ahoada, Owerrinta,
Bonny, Asa, Arochukwu, Afikpo, Okigwe, and so on. The Igbo will be fine. The
Japanese and the Dutch, for example, have proved that there are innovative ways
of using constricted space.
As for the economy: it is supply and demand.
New economic policies will integrated Igbo economy to the central West African
and West African Markets. The Igbo will create a new vast export network,
unhindered by idiotic economic and foreign policies. The re-activation of the
PH port systems will for e.g. open the closed economic corridor once and for
all to global trade. As anybody knows, it might take a fast train no more than
45 minutes to move goods from the Warri or Sapele ports to Aba and even in less
time to Onitsha. As Diette Spiff once observed while playing golf at Oguta, all
it would take to connect Warri and Oguta is just a long bridge, and the vast
economic movement will commence between Warri and its traditional trading areas
of Onitsha and
the rest of the East.
The quantum of economic activity will see the
growth of that corridor between Aba -Oguta-
Obiaruku down to Warri as the crow flies. The impact of trade between the
Calabar ports and Aba
will explode. In fact, the old trading stations along the Qua-Iboe
River (the Cross
River ) at Arochukwu, Afikpo, down to
Oron and Mamfe in the Cameroons will explode
and create new prosperity and new opportunities. I am giving the short version.
So, the Igbo will be alright. They would simply be just able to define their
own development strategies, deploy their highly trained manpower currently
wasting unutilized, and the basis of its vast middle class will create new
consumers, and generate an internal energy that will thrive on Igbo innovation,
industry, and know-how, which Nigeria
currently suppresses. This is exactly one very possible scenario.
So, Tanko Yakassi is wrong. May be if the Igbo
leave Kano, the Emir will no longer need to buy his bulb from an Igbo trader in
Kano. He will have to buy it either from an Hausa, a Fulani, a Lebanese, or
some such person. But those will have to come to Igbo land to buy it first
before selling to the Emir. There was a time when all of West Africa came to Onitsha or Aba
to buy and trade because it was safe, and those cities were the largest market
emporia in the continent. People came from as far away as the Congo to buy stuff in Aba
and sell in the Congo .
It could happen again, only this time on a vaster, more controlled scale. The
network of Igbo global trade will not stop if they left Nigeria . In
fact, they will have more access to an indigenous credit system that would
expand that trade, currently unobtainable and unavailable today to them,
because Nigeria
makes it impossible for Igbo business to grow through all kinds of restrictions
strategically imposed on it, including port restrictions.
However, although I do think that the Igbo
would do quite well alone, they could do a lot better with Nigeria , if the
conditions are right. This agitation is for the conditions to be made right;
for Nigeria
and its political and economic policies to stop being a wedge on Igbo
aspirations. And Igbo aspiration is quite simple: to match the rest of the
developed world inch by every inch, and not to be held down by the Nigerian
millstone of corruption, inefficiency, and inferiority. The Igbo think that
control of their public policies on education, research and innovation,
economic and monetary policies, and recruitment, control and deployment of its
own work force both in public and private sectors will give them the leverage
they need to build a coherent and civilized society.
They point to the example of Biafra, where
under three years, they were making their own rockets and calculating its
distances; distilling their own oil and making aviation fuel, creating in their
Chemical and Biological laboratories, new cures for diseases like Cholera,
shaping their own spare parts, and turning the entire East into a vast workshop,
as Ojukwu put it, while Nigeria was busy doing owambe, importing even
toothpick, and creating new wartime millionaires from corrupt contracting
systems by a powerful oligopoly. It is a fallacy much driven by ignorance that
Igbo will not thrive and that Igbo land will not accommodate Igbo population if
they leave. That is not true. There is no scientific basis for it.
The dynamics of human movement will take great
care of all that. It’s a lame excuse. What people who wish for Nigeria to stay
together should do is not to make such puerile statements, because it is
meaningless. What we should all do is to find the strategic means of containing
Igbo discontent by LISTENING to the Igbo, and seeking peaceful and productive
ways of fully freeing their energy to instigate growth both of themselves and
of Nigeria within Nigeria for
everyone's benefit. Threatening them will not work. It has never worked, and it
is important to understand a bit of Igbo cultural psychology: the more you
threaten him, the more the Igbo person digs in very stubbornly. Igbo, with a
long tradition of diplomacy, thrive on consensus not on threat of the use of
force, or the like.
Frankly, those who continue to think that the
Igbo have no options are yet to understand the complexity of this movement as
we speak. They still look at the surface of events while the train is revving
and about to leave the station. We need to work very carefully on this issue. I
myself, I prefer Nigeria .
I like its color of many peoples and cultures. That in itself is the very
condition for growth and regeneration. A single Igbo nation may be more
prosperous, but will be less interesting, and that is the more valid argument.
*Obi Nwakanma is a poet,
journalist, biographer and literary critic.
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