Being the full text of the lecture delivered by Chief Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, Ikemba Nnewi, on the occasion of TSM's 2nd Diamond Lecture to mark the fourth anniversary of the magazine on February 22, 1994
It was sometime, last November, that I was
approached to fill in this gap of Guest Speaker which I understood had been
filled at the first Diamond Lecture by no other personality than General
Olusegun Obasanjo. For this second lecture, President Jerry Rawlings of Ghana
had been contemplated but had to be changed because of the heavy load of
protocol and logistics that would impose on the organization for the event. So
sandwiched between such eminent sons of Africa, you can imagine my reaction.
For the first time since my return in 1982 from exile in the Ivory Coast, I
really wished that I had never returned. I was afraid and wished that this cup
would be taken away from me. Three times, I was asked, each time I wished the
cup away. I went East for Christmas, deliberately, I overstayed in the hope
that my pursuers would relent but all was to no avail. When finally I returned
to Lagos on 20th January, I found waiting for me, notes reminding me of the
dreaded date. With trepidation, I accepted. I accepted on the assurance that I
would not be expected to do anything other than be myself.
In being myself, Distinguished Ladies and
Gentlemen, let me seek your indulgence. I shall not give a lecture. I cannot
give a lecture. I have never given a lecture and I do not know how to give a
lecture. Intellectuals give lectures – the profane, such as I, can only give
TALKS. For the subject of my TALK, the TSM gave me absolute freedom. I
have, therefore, chosen, in view of the current temper and preoccupation of
Nigeria, to talk to you, with all humility, about Nigeria. My title is "Nigeria
- The Truths which are Self-Evident."
"We
hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal, that they
are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these
are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness."
Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen, as if you did not know, these words which I have just read were composed in 1776 as the Preamble to the Declaration of Independence of the United States of America. I first read those very profound words at the age of ten, some half a century ago. Ever since that first reading, only heavens knows how many times I have returned to the words — each time in search of inspiration, each time in search of direction. Never have I read them again without my body being covered with goose-pimples. This is the foundation upon which the United States of America was erected:
Equality
of all men
Rights of life, liberty and pursuit of happiness.
This is the purpose of government. It is the inspiration of American justice, it is for the United States the universal idea for all men not just Americans, hence this is also the context within which the United States foreign policy is also played. In that [statement] ... the soul of the United States is encapsulated. The Irish, the Jews, the Puritan Anglo-Saxon, the African-American (later), the unending streams of emigrants that flock to the Air and Sea ports of the USA look upon this as a beacon — the end of one life and the beginning of another. The USA was unlike nations before it, the work of man whilst the old World which existed prior were the work of God. In USA, it was essential that reason be adduced and hope inspired to attract and to commit her new citizenry who came to her shores in order to join and assist the new enterprise of Nation Building.
In Nigeria, despite over 30 years of corporate existence, despite the fact that our primordial nations are compelled to embark on an adventure in nation building, Nigerians till this day have not found it necessary to enunciate its raison d'etre, its idea, its universal concept. It is for this reason that we hold these truths to be self-evident that Nigeria cannot be a nation unless its fundamental law is articulated and is accepted by Nigerians for universal application. The fundamental law is the Constitution.
Ever since the independence of Nigeria in the
year 1960 all crises in the country have sooner or later led to a widespread
demand for a Constitutional review. At the end of each Military regime the
withdrawing military has sought to put in place a new Constitution ostensibly
to reduce the incidence of coup d'états, to establish a better system of
government for the country and to harmonise the haphazard enactments of the
military in power, whenever it appears necessary for the military in power. The
resultant effect of this is that the sovereign people of Nigeria have never
succeeded in designing for themselves their own society. Nigerians have never
been able to articulate for themselves the general and fundamental ideas of
Nigeria.
It is very pertinent to note that traditional
societies usually have no written constitutions. What fulfils the functions of
the constitution is the culture of the people - their habits and ways of doing
things. The need of a constitution arose only when two or more cultures inhabit
one polity. In the countries of the new world, this was so and we find the same
situation also in the countries of the Third World where different cultures
were merged into an awkward polity. We also find this constitution-writing
phenomenon in countries that have gone through a revolution - when an old
culture was overtaken by a new culture. In both these instances the aims of a
written constitution are two-fold - to promote peace and limit conflict. A
constitution for Nigeria is the Memorandum and Articles of Association of our
Enterprise, our Nation Building Enterprise – Nigeria Incorporated. As a good
businessman would be well advised not to enter a corporation without agreeing
to its Articles of Association, so a people entering into a pact of Nationhood
are well-advised to study and agree to the Articles of the Constitution.
It has been suggested that there is no need for
a Constitutional Conference at present in Nigeria. I hold the opposite view.
When in the late 50s Nigerians saw the departure of our delegates to the London
Constitutional Conference, the mandate given the delegates was clear and simple
– negotiate with the Imperial Government and bring back to us Independence.
Faithful to our mandate they went, they negotiated, they brought back to us our
very much cherished independence. We welcomed them with joy, we sang in our
home and danced in our streets, we embraced with ecstasy the Federal Republic
of Nigeria. If we had any reservations about the conference that gave us
Independence this was not the time to raise doubts. We have been granted
Independence, what did it matter if it was at all costs?
A Federal Constitution was foisted on us. An
unbalanced polity handcuffed to our hands. We woke up after our celebrations to
discover that Prometheus unbound remained Prometheus encaged. Nigerians had
given no mandate for Federalism. All Nigeria wanted was Independence. It might
be said with some validity that our political leaders expected that the
agreement reached in London would be sufficiently elastic to allow for later
adjustments. Later our leaders realised that the Constitution handed down by
the United Kingdom was like a strait-jacket and it gave very little room for
manouevering. Naturally, the first Independence Constitution followed the pattern
of the colonial constitutions – the Richards and the Macpherson constitutions.
They were in essence master-servant agreement. The Independence constitution
was different only in that the master was represented by the master's agent – a
trusted servant.
With this beginning seemingly etched into the
national psyche, Nigeria has not been able to evolve and produce a free
constitution. For thirty-three years, we Nigerians have borne our constitution
as a heavy cross. Every military government has tinkered with it and has
prevented meaningful popular participation in the constitution-making process.
We Nigerians, Ladies and Gentlemen, hold these truths to be self-evident, that
Nigeria has never had a free, sovereign constitution.
Many Nigerians on the pages of daily newspapers
have questioned both the need and the usefulness of a Constitutional
Conference, as proposed by the current Military Government of Nigeria. As a
democrat, I accept and respect all opinions including even those on the lunatic
fringe of our f society. It is however necessary to underline this fact - that
NOT all Nigerians have the same Nigerian experience. Some Nigerians, indeed
some group of Nigerians, have benefitted immensely in and from Nigeria. At the
same time, some other Nigerians have suffered immensely in and from Nigeria.
This second group has suffered varying degrees of deprivation in Nigeria.
Whilst some have enjoyed almost exclusively the monopoly of executive power at
the highest levels. Whilst these have had at the command, the distribution of
patronage both to individuals or to collectivities, it is only natural that
such a lucky group would wish for the "status quo" to continue. The
other group naturally would wish for change and would strive for change. For
this group only change can give hope — hope that an unsatisfactory situation
could be ameliorated. A constitutional conference holds this possibility, if
not the probability of the emergence of change and it is only those who benefit
from and enjoy the present situation who should and do fear the proposed
conference. Those whom I have been condemned to serve and represent, having
nothing to lose but having the possibility of gaining much from the conference,
should be and are very enthusiastic about the conference. We hold these truths
to be self-evident that dialogue is a very valid system for rectifying a wrong.
Dialogue is of greater benefit to the deprived rather than to the privileged.
For those who enjoy the executive control of
Nigeria, for those who enjoy almost exclusively the resources of this country,
the term One Nigeria is like music to their ears. They love it, they want it to
remain for ever, and if it became necessary to maintain One Nigeria by force
they would do so. If it became necessary to hold their partners in the Nigerian
enterprise hostage, indeed captive, in the corporation all the better.
For fear of being misunderstood or
misrepresented, let me repeat. One Nigeria is a good idea but my objection lies
in the idea that One Nigeria cannot and must not be questioned. A state is
constructed for the benefit of man and not vice versa. A man to whom the state
brings no benefit has every right and indeed is obliged to question the oneness
of that state if per force it must include him. For a man to whom unity remains
that of Jonah in the belly of the whale, that man must question his situation.
He is not comfortable in the whale's belly. It is dark. It is soggy. He wants
out lest he dies. This man owes it to himself to get out despite the fact that
the whale has felt no discomfort. To this man "in extremis" lies the
obligation to quit.
A man who questions the oneness of his state has
the unalienable right to the pursuit of happiness whilst the man who opts out
or secedes is very probably exercising his right to life. It is very wrong to
refuse to discussion on oneness. Nigeria can most certainly remain one if
oppression ceases and if the Nigerian polity is adjusted to accommodate the
legitimate aspirations of every group in Nigeria and if the members of every
constituent group feel equal and secure in Nigeria. The happiness of the
citizen is and must remain more important than the forum and structure of the
Nigerian polity.
In 1960, we accepted an incongruous package of
Federalism - a Federalism in which one federating unit was designed to surpass
the other units put together in every aspect except in the production of
wealth. Federalism became for some the philosophy which would guarantee them
first a share, then the lever for control and finally the right to acquire the
resource which they lacked. For others Federalism became the debilitating
philosophy which ensured the continued haemorrhage of their precious resources.
For some the Federal Republic became an unbounded opportunity whilst to others
it was a crippling disaster. We hold these truths to be self-evident
[about....these] two federating units.
This conflict in philosophical experience
naturally led to greater distortion of an already incongruous and unbalanced
polity. The privileged got stronger whilst the deprived got weaker. Power
emboldened the privileged whilst fear rendered the deprived more and more
unsure and nervous. It was purely a matter of time when the unease gave way to
violence and then from violence to war. The Tivs were in open revolt right from
the dawn of independence, the West joined in this revolt in the fourth year of
Independence, Isaac Boro proclaimed his republic in the next year. In 1966 came
the attempted coup led by Emmanuel Ifeajuna. Between 1966 and 1967 came the
massacres in the north of Nigeria. One fascinating aspect of all this chaos is
that Nigeria only went to war against Ndigbo. The Tiv riots only provoked
police action and the rebel leader Joseph Tarka eventually became a national
hero. In the West the Action Group which was rebellious was led by Chief
Obafemi Awolowo, he too became a national hero. In the Rivers area, Isaac Adaka
Boro became a national hero. I have often wondered why in respect of the Igbo
resistance it became necessary to seek the final solution – why this double
standard?
Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen, the Nigerian
Odyssey of Ndigbo, their journey from slavery, through colonialism to
Independence - their journey through crisis to crisis, into war, their journey
out of war into crisis again has been a route-march through the fields of
Golgotha. Today Ndigbo are plying their trade everywhere in Nigeria. We are
bent but are most certainly not broken. We are bent because we are, to a large
extent, devitalised and our presence in every aspect of Nigerian life
understated. We are not broken because we have hope, we have intellect and we
have energy. I believe that one of the biggest problems which Nigeria has to
face derives from Nigeria's inability to absorb Ndigbo. This problem is not
new, the whiteman never could either. The war has come and gone but we remember
with pride and hope the three heady years when we had the opportunity to
demonstrate what Nigeria could have been even before 1970. In the three years
of war, necessity gave birth to invention. During those three years, knowledge,
in one heroic bound, we leapt across the great chasm that separates knowledge
from know-how. We built bombs, we built rockets, we designed and built our own
delivery systems. We guided our rockets, we guided them far, we guided them
accurately. For three years blockaded without hope of imports, we maintained engines,
machines and technical equipment. We maintained all our vehicles. The state
extracted and refined petrol, individuals refined petrol in their back gardens.
We built and maintained our airports, maintained them under heavy bombardment.
Despite the heavy bombardment, we recovered so quickly after each raid that we
were able to maintain the record for the busiest Airport on the continent of
Africa. We spoke to the world....[and the world] spoke back to us. We built
armoured cars and tanks. We modified aircraft from trainer to fighters, from
passenger aircraft to bombers. In three years of freedom we had broken the
technological barriers. In three years we became the most civilised, the most
technologically advanced black people on earth. We spun nylon yarn, we
developed seeds for food and medicines. At the end of the war this pocket of
Nigerian civilisation was systematically destroyed, dismantled, scattered. What
a great pity - this was a beginning of a truly Black risurgimiento. The men who
achieved this breakthrough - where are they?
"Ask
for this great deliverer now
and find him
eyeless in Gaza at the mill with slaves."
These our Samsons are available ready to lift
Nigeria up from her technological lassitude by her bootstraps. All these men
require recognition and a feeling of belonging. We hold these truths to be
self-evident that Nigeria has adequate manpower to transform our economy. All
we require is the wisdom of putting round pegs into round holes.
The war which gave birth to the technological awakening
of Ndigbo did not do the same for our partners in Nigeria. Whilst in the East
of the Nigeria we scraped and joined, on the other side, countries and gun
runners were over reaching themselves in order to supply Nigeria with every
type of ammunition. During the war Nigeria had no need, it would seem, to
maintain her equipment or to economise her consumable items. On the Nigerian
side, equipment were abandoned for want of very minor spare parts - we on our
side, promptly recovered them, we quickly machined out a part that would serve.
Once fitted, the recovered equipment would be re-deployed in the battlefront.
For near three years, whilst Biafra was a vast workshop, it appeared Nigeria
was, at the same time, a vast show-room. Biafra was not defeated in the war.
Biafra achieved her war aims. The aims were never to capture Nigeria or indeed
any territory for Biafra. We were attacked, we successfully defended ourselves
- the costs were heavy yet we survived. We went to war in order to survive. We
"faced
the fearful odds for the ashes of our fathers
and the temples of our gods."
At the end of the war, whilst we mourned our
gallant losses, we took solace in the fact that we had protected both the ashes
and the temples. We were not defeated, had we been, there would have not been
the policy of "no victor, no vanquished." Had we been defeated it
would have taken long to re-people our communities at the furtherest ends of
Nigeria. Our adversaries on the other hand have yet to return to our area in
numbers comparable with those of our dynamic diaspora. Since the end of the
war, we live everywhere in Nigeria, the others merely visit areas outside their
homes. We hold these truths to be self-evident that the people of the east of
Nigeria are not a defeated people.
[...some unclear text..]
(b) That a free and unfettered dialogue is best
likely to bring about the articulation of the philosophy, no half-baked ideas
which some 'genius' in uniform has forced on us from high.
(c) That Nigeria has never had a free constitution hence the urgent need to
frame one NOW.
(d) That the peoples of Nigeria have not, but should have had, the same or similar
benefits and privilege from the Nigerian polity. Rather, whilst some have
experienced joy, others experienced pain.
(e) That Nigeria is possessed of adequate manpower for a technological take-off
if only we decide to place round pegs in round holes.
(f) That the Nigerians East of the Niger are not defeated people. They are very
dynamic, if not the most dynamic and talented of our society.
For months, Nigeria has been poised on the
cutting edge of a precipice — a strong gust of wind is sufficient to send us
plunging into the abyss below. For thirty odd years we have stumbled from
crisis to crisis. Prior to Independence we can only look back at a chequered
past. Our primordial ethnic sovereignty was assaulted by a people who had
ostensibly come to trade with us. Their greed knew no bounds as they not only
traded in goods, they bought and traded in men, women and children. When slaves
were no longer required we then became colonised, and we were pacified at one
point or the other. Together we struggled for independence and won. Together we
fought each other yet have stayed together and in my own personal opinion I
would support any genuine effort of continued staying together. This however
must not be at all costs. We got into our troubles when we received
Independence at all costs. It would therefore be very wrong if we pretended
everything was alright. What we should do is to find ways and means of
correcting a situation which we find bad.
Recently, some respected personalities have
written articles and given speeches or interviews which acts were deliberately
distorted and banalised. Such intellectual dishonesty is at the root of our
leadership crisis in this country. For the record let me emphasise that
citizens from the North of the country have held power longer than citizens of
the South of the country. This is a self-evident truth. There could be
mitigating reasons for this. Such mitigating reasons could be argued. But to
deny this fact is a self-evident distortion, and does the speaker no credit.
Recently also, facts and figures were given of government appointments over a
specified period showed that particular peoples of Nigeria have been
marginalised. It is not enough to dismiss these facts and figures as
"emotion rousing sentimentality." What would be more useful would be
for a different set of figures (if available) to be put forward in refutation.
It was asserted that a section of the country had been sidelined in the
governance of the country— facts and figures were again given which prima
facie authenticated the assertion. The answer is not and cannot be the veiled
threat that "they would do well.....[to be] national giants in these [OR
THOSE] areas all because of one Nigeria." I do not know what the intention
of this speaker is. Any Nigerian should be welcome anywhere in Nigeria. Every
Nigerian has right to the protection of his life and property everywhere in
Nigeria. This right cannot depend on whether he is a tycoon or a laborer.
As I had indicated earlier, I believe we have
stayed together for some 30 odd years. I believe that with hard work and the
concerted will of the various peoples of Nigeria we can fashion out any type of
government and such a government can bear any name we choose to give it. The
problems of this country cannot be solved by a mere change of name. Nigeria
ceased to be a Federal Republic from the first day of the first military
government. The hierarchical structure of the military command made Federalism
obsolete. Subsequently General Ironsi kept the term Federal purely for
propaganda reasons. All other military governments that followed have followed
the same centralised fashion. During the Nigeria/Biafra War, Federalism became
the first casualty. To make matters worse, the military created more states
raising the numbers of the federating units from 4 to 12 and on to 30 plu
Abuja. This proliferation of states meant that governors had less, much less to
do but still retained all protocol and the ceremonies of a full-fledged
Lieutenant-Governor.
What Nigeria needs is a true Federalism. The
Federating units should not be more than six and each of the six should consist
of a cluster of states put together on the basis of ethnic homogeneity. I would
suggest that each cluster be headed by a Governor. There should be a President
whose terms should be the same but those powers would be adjusted downward
since he would have a power-sharing arrangement with the 6 Governors. The
Governors would be members of a Presidential Council which will deal with
Constitutional matters, The Prerogative of Mercy and the Economic Council. The
Armed Forces should be decentralised along the lines of the ABURI Accord. The
force should be allowed to be humiliated out of power. Officers and men who
take part in a coup d'etat should be considered to have committed treason and
should be treated as such without the benefit of any statute of limitations for
the coup d'état and for any wrong done in usurped offices. The legality or
otherwise of any de facto government shall need to be pronounced upon by a
Privy Council which shall include all ex-heads of State and all ex-Governors
and ex-Chief Justices. Every cluster of states will draw up its own
Constitution in consonance with the Federal constitution and will also be
responsible for the Census. Revenue allocation shall be in line with the
principle of ownership. I would suggest that everybody owns all that is one's
land or under it. The funds for running the Federal account shall be allocated
to reflect the duties of the Federal Government. Residual powers should belong
to the cluster of States. I would finally recommend a 3 tier system of
government.
[....unclear]...[I would recommend] a compulsory
review of the Constitution every fifteen years. Today as we approach the
Constitutional Conference, please permit me, Ladies and Gentlemen, to make a
few direct comments on the subject. Let me first and foremost make this very
clear - I am Igbo - I am a full-fledged citizen of Nigeria. What I say today in
this Forum, I say as Dim. CHUKWUEMEKA ODUMEGWU OJUKWU, IKEMBA NNEWI,
DIKEDIORAMMA NDIGBO. I speak only for myself. I don't speak for any group in
Nigeria. I am not an Igbo leader.
As we review our living together in Nigeria, as we try to set the parameters of our governance, the extent and limits of our Rights, Responsibilities, let me take this opportunity to educate some of my compatriots on MANNERS. In 1967, the Igbo people were forced into WAR. Prior to that WAR, Ndigbo under my leadership had declared the Republic of Biafra. This act was termed Secession. Unfortunately during this ongoing crisis and as we position ourselves for the Constitutional Conference, many have tried to raise the bogey of secession whenever an Igbo speaks. I do not deny the fact of secession in 1967 — this is a historical fact. What I deny is that the Igbo community to which I belong has been planning for SECESSION. Secession is not like COCAINE — it is not addictive. Today other people are feeling the pangs of what I felt some twenty-five years ago. These people have my sympathies. These people not having the guts to say so have continued to murmur the word in the hope that I will take up the refrain. I will not. Today I have more reasons to seek a better Nigeria than I did. Today as we all take stock, I find that I have invested so heavily in Nigeria. Some try to frighten me with the word SECESSION. I am not afraid, it is only a word. The mere mention of the word can not throw me off balance. I intend fully to participate in the discussion about our future - all discussion as you remember, that I did 25 years ago. Journalists take note.
Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen, Nigeria is
sick. We must cure her. It is our duty - each and everyone of us, to help cure
her. Nobody will cure Nigeria if Nigerians do not. Whenever I consider what I
see in this country, sometimes I laugh but mostly I want to cry. I want to run.
The only possible and charitable rationale is to accept that our problem is
IGNORANCE and that we have to be forgiven for we know not what we are doing or
what we are saying. This is probably because we are forced to operate in a
language in which our proficiency can be termed at best approximative. If this
were not so, how can we accept in 1994 certain publications in our Journals. I
do not refer to the sleazy headlines, lies and insults the type of which some
newspapers have associated with my name. When I see such I laugh because I am a
man, not an institution. If it helps the newspapers to make money, I wish them
luck. But liberty turns to LICENCE when one considers the recent publications
about Judges of our Supreme Court. [NOTE 2] God forbid that I should ever refer
to their Lordships in these terms so I show you what I mean. It is
disrespectful, it is distasteful...I understand the matter has been taken to
Court and I ask myself whose court? Ladies and Gentlemen, I cannot judge, I do
not wish to judge, all I want to say is this, that as reprehensible as the publication
might have been, going to court by such eminent personalities for such a matter
in such a circumstance looks and sounds very much like a charade. Whilst our
zealous newspaper owes the nation an apology, our Judges should find a better
way of reassuring the NATION.
As for the other Judicial matter, I regret that
the allegations cannot and must not be swept under the carpet.....Caesar's wife
must remain beyond reproach. When the honour of an office is at stake, the
person becomes only a spoke in a wheel. Some years ago, I was told this story
of a German general who found himself surrounded by the enemy. In desperate
straits he signalled his desperation to the Headquarters. A message returned in
which he was promoted. Promoted to Field Marshal. The next day a message from
the Commander-in-Chief. A package containing a congratulatory message, a
Marshal's baton, a gold plated pistol with ammunition and a Card. On the card
was written these words: "No German Marshal has ever been captured alive
in War." I am not asking the honorable Attorney-General to be quite so
drastic.
When I look at Nigeria, when I read our
newspapers and magazines, the picture that emerges is not unlike that of an
adult who on hearing the cry of a child exclaims — "That child
again!" At the ripe old age of 60, I believe I can claim the right to be
counted amongst the elder statesmen of our beloved country. As an elder, let me
advise that whenever the voice of a child is heard in agony — your duty, the
duty of all of us, is to find out what is wrong.
Our Brothers and Sisters of the Rivers State are
crying. Before Biafra they cried. They have not stopped. It is our duty to
stop, listen to their woes and bring help to them — that is, if we truly
believe that they are our Brothers and Sisters. They say they are being cheated
in the matter of the exploitation of their Resources. The Rivers say so, the
Delta says so. Even recently, Ondo State joined in the howling. Clearly,
something is wrong. Call it blackmail if you wish, it is a fact of life that
one fights with whichever weapon one has. For how many years have bee been
blackmailed with population? The oil, the gas, the mineral found under a man's
property belongs to the man. This is a principle we must establish in this
country. Every owner decides how much to pay and how much service to give. The
fact that the areas that provide the national wealth look poorest in the
country is provocative. Therefore, my brothers and sisters of the Oil Producing
States, I say this "ALUTA CONTINUA."
Very often when Nigeria is mentioned abroad,
people snigger. It does not take long for the conversation to enter the
embarrassing area of corruption. Corruption like many Nigerian ills is
something we all take delight in talking about but do absolutely nothing about.
Ladies and Gentlemen, wealth is possessed of a
certain odour — you cannot hide it all the time. Now there is nothing wrong
with it except that it has a habit in Nigeria of being acquired through
corruption. Like all of our social malaise, the aim should not be to eradicate
it completely — no, what we can do is to bring it to manageable proportions by
reducing it drastically. I believe that if we are serious about this we must
institute a mechanism for discovering the source of wealth. In Nigeria, many of
our heroes live at range which cannot be justified by their salaries. We must
do something about this. The citizen who exhibits wealth beyond his known means
must be assumed guilty until he can take us into his secret — until he shows us
the miraculous tree in his garden whose leaves are 50 naira notes. Until he
does explain satisfactorily, the offending wealth should remain forfeit to the
nation. We could add to this by taxing luxury items and status symbols more
seriously. I will not go on at this forum because this matter has been flogged ad infinitum, ad nauseam – we are not serious.
We are not serious about ending corruption nor
are we serious about reducing crime. If I am wrong, then please may someone
tell me the reason for our Police being perhaps the worst paid and worst taken
care of of our public servants. I hear that the Police is sometimes owed 4 - 5
months salaries. I am sure most of you here, like me, are scandalised by this,
yet, it is true. How can we say we are serious about Nigeria when her Police
force is treated in such a cavalier fashion? I for one feel for them whilst I
urge them to continue to give Nigeria their best.
Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen, my talk has
come to its end. If there is some confusion in your minds about where I stand
on some of the issues I have raised, let me say quickly that I am not
intellectual - my thoughts are not framed in cast iron ideology. I have talked
about what I see in the manner in which I feel. I believe that Nigeria is big
enough to contain all of us and our various vaulting ambitions. Our problems
come only when our wants constitute and oppression to someone else. When such
happens, all must, in a human society, we must show sufficient CONCERN to
repair the ill. If we do not, the sore caused will fester. It is because of
this that I feel bold to commend NIGERIA, General Sani Abacha and his respected
team. When we talk too much or too loudly, let him and his team remember that
we are masters and they are servants. We are the sovereign at the name of whom
every knee shall bow.
Therefore, we hold these truths to be
self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their
Creator, with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty
and the pursuit of happiness."
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