...Buhari’s Unnecessary
Trips The Bleeding Economy”
Ekiti State
Governor, Mr Ayodele Fayose has counselled President Muhammadu Buhari to stay
at home and govern the country instead of junketing from one country to the
other, saying; “foreign countries won’t
solve our problems for us and the President’s incessant foreign trips is
already bleeding the economy with about $1 million being spent per trip.”
The governor, who
said most of the trips embarked on by the President were unnecessary, added
that ministers or at best the Vice President could have been made to attend
most of the functions being attended abroad by the President.
According to a
statement issued in Ado-Ekiti by his Special Assistant on Public Communications
and New Media, Lere Olayinka, Governor Fayose said that “the President should
rather listen more to those of us who criticise him instead of those hailing
every of his wrong steps either because of what they intend to gain or for fear
of persecution.”
The statement read;
“Conservatively, about $1 million goes into every of the foreign trips and the
way the President is going, foreign trips alone might gulp 20 percent of the
Federal Government budget and that will be disastrous for the dwindling economy
of the country.
By Levi
Obijiofor Bola Tinubu,
the national leader of the All Progressives Congress (APC), the governing party
at the federal level, has cast himself as the chief defender of President
Muhammadu Buhari. His exaggerated defence of Buhari’s economic and political
policies should be expected. After all, he was the one who threw his weight
behind Buhari as the presidential flag bearer of the APC during the general
elections last year.
Answering
questions that focused on the state of the economy, the falling oil price in
the international market, and the government’s options for dealing with the
ragged economic situation at home, Tinubu offered simplistic excuses why
Nigerians should not be nervous about the instability in the oil market which
has also affected global currencies. He said: “We are not the only country
affected, it is universal. We have to manage ourselves, challenge ourselves,
and be more creative in a way that will not affect the welfare of the people,
because the government is about the people.” He also said: “We should also be
innovative and develop our economy in such a way that will show the leadership
position that we always espouse in Africa. Now
and years back we have been talking about diversification of the oil sector but
we never implemented it.”
The idea that
the significantly reduced oil price should be regarded as a worldwide problem
might be true but should the country go into lockdown just because the global
economy is experiencing turbulence? If the problem is worldwide, shouldn’t the
government have its own emergency response strategies? Should we fold arms,
suspend our lives, and wait for the situation in other parts of the world to
abate before we can start to live again?
The hallmark
of good political leaders is the ability to respond instantly to unanticipated
problems that confront their nations. I do not subscribe to Tinubu’s rallying
call for all citizens to support President Muhammadu Buhari because there is no
evidence that the government is taking strong action to mitigate the nation’s
economic problems.
It is okay for
a party leader such as Tinubu to aim to rouse the citizens to support their
government in times of economic adversity. However, before that can happen, the
government has to demonstrate practically to the citizens that it is working
hard to alleviate poverty, economic hardships, health problems, and other
problems that have overwhelmed the people. In times of growing economic
problems, speechifying is not the best way to appeal to and win the support of
citizens. The government has to show with verifiable facts that it is working
tirelessly to attend to national problems.
The object of this second half of my article is to
challenge Nigeria and
Nigerians: Please make an honest effort at determining the truth of Nigeria’s
contemporary history! It is the sure way of exorcising the demons needlessly
thwarting every chance of Nigeria
attaining nationhood. If Nigeria
refuses to confront the truth of its history, it will continue to tug at
centrifugal forces guaranteed to eternally forestall any contingency of
mastering the contradictions that dog every centimetre of the country’s path.
*Reuben Abati
The 50th anniversary of the January 1966 coup d’etat
afforded the country a golden opportunity to turn its back permanently against
historical lies, especially lies of the variety that inflame passions and
further entrench the existing divisions between the disparate peoples forged
into one country by the sleight of British colonialism. Unfortunately, revisionists
seized the public space, retold falsehoods previously discredited and, thus,
blew the opportunity.
Reuben Abati is one such revisionist. In the first
half of this article, we exposed his lies in an article he entitled Armed
Forces Day: January 15, Remembering Where We Came From. Abati had
claimed in that article that “An Igbo man, Nwafor Orizu, the acting President,
handed over power to another Igbo man, General Thomas Aguiyi-Ironsi.” We proved
that this was blatantly untrue. He had also downplayed Aguiyi-Ironsi’s central
role in putting down the coup, for which we pointed out that he was being
disingenuous.
There are two other distortions in Abati’s article
that must be discredited. He wrote that (1) Aguiyi-Ironsi treated the January
coup plotters with kid gloves, and (2) Aguiyi-Ironsi imposed Igbo hegemony on Nigeria.
Whether in scholarship or in journalism, whoever made claims such as these,
would be expected to deploy empirical evidence in support of his assertions.
But not Abati. We must dismantle his fabrications, of course. Before doing
that, however, some background information is imperative. Fifteen years ago,
Abati wrote a two-part article entitled Obasanjo,
Secession And The Secessionists (The Guardian on Sunday, December 16
and 23, 2001).
That article contained all the lies that he
regurgitated in his latest piece. It elicited a lot of reaction from
observers of the Nigerian condition who believed that Abati should know
better, and should wield his pen with some circumspection. We will return to
this. Let’s first reexamine the facts. Abati said that Nzeogwu and his cohorts
were treated with kid gloves? In Nzeogwu: An Intimate Portrait Of Major
Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu (Spectrum Books, Ibadan 1987) Olusegun
Obasanjo reproduced copies of handwritten letters from his friend, Nzeogwu,
which detailed the ill-treatment they suffered in detention. But far more important
is the fact that Aguiyi-Ironsi’s Supreme Military Council (SMC) took a
decision to subject the coup plotters to public trial.
By Oguwike Nwachuku This year’s activities leading to the 50th anniversary of the
January 15, 1966 coup plot believed to have altered the political equation of Nigeria
after just six years of independence have come and gone.
*Nzeogwu
But the lessons,
like a razor will continue to pierce the heart of every discerning person.
Popularly and
erroneously described as Nzeogwu Coup, nay Igbo coup, many commentators have
interpreted that putsch the way it suits them, their political allies and
interest, 50 years down the road.
The same scenario is
playing out in the trial of the spokesman of the Peoples Democratic Party
(PDP), Olisa Metuh, whose own case is being given another colouration.
Of all the persons
accused of eating the yam from Sambo Dasuki’s office as former national
security adviser (NSA), Metuh is the only one that has been brought to court in
handcuffs and Black Maria and whose bail conditions are ridiculous.
Today’s intervention is not on Metuh, but I think the Igbo are also using their tongue to count their teeth.
This is what Nzeogwu told his compatriots while announcing reasons for the coup: “Our enemies are the political profiteers, the swindlers, the men in high and low places that seek bribes and demand 10 per cent; those that keep the country divided permanently so that they can remain in office as ministers or VIPs at least, the tribalists, the nepotists, those that make the country look big for nothing before international circles, those that have corrupted our society and put the Nigerian calendar back by their words and deeds.
“Like good soldiers we are not promising anything miraculous or spectacular.
“But what we do promise every law abiding citizen is freedom from fear and all forms of oppression, freedom from general inefficiency and freedom to live and strive in every field of human endeavour, both nationally and internationally.
“We promise that you will no more be ashamed to say that you are a Nigerian ….”
By Oraye St. Franklyn I'm usually taken aback
whenever officers of the present All Progressives Congress (APC) administration
release statements and interviews to sermonise Nigerians on how Peoples Democratic
Party (PDP) administration had destroyed Nigeria for 16 years and how they
are working on fixing the mess created by PDP.
*Saraki
It is non-contestable that
between May 29, 1999 and May 29, 2015, “PDP" (in quote) occupied the seat
of power in Abuja
and controlled majority states of the
federation. However, we have to get our fact right with respect to who actually destroyed Nigeria
between 1999 and 2015. I believe we should do a holistic analysis on
this subject.
President And Vice President: 1999-2015
Nigeria
had three presidents between May 29, 1999 and May 29, 2015, namely, Chief
Olusegun Obasanjo, Late Malam Umaru Yar'adua and Dr Goodluck Jonathan. Of the
three, Obasanjo spent eight years in office (1999-2007), Yar'adua three years
(May 2007-May 2010) and Dr Jonathan five years (May 2010-May 2015). Obasanjo who
spent the longest period as president (Eight years) has since denounced the PDP
to become the APC and Buhari's “navigator” to office. Similarly, of the three
vice presidents during the period under review, Atiku Abubakar spent the most
number of years in office (Eight, 1999-2007). But he not only moved to AC/APC
while in office in 2006, he also aspired to rule Nigeria on the APC platform in 2014
and is today a member of APC's Board of Trustees.
Reuben Abati earned a PhD in Dramatic Arts over two
decades ago. He was chairman of the Editorial Board of The Guardian for nine
solid years. And he was spokesman for President Goodluck Jonathan for another
four years. In terms of education and exposure, therefore, he ranks with the
best, not just in Africa, but globally. Yet,
in Armed Forces Day: January 15, 2016, Remembering
Where We Came From, an article recently published extensively in both the
orthodox and social media, he made many false and unwarranted statements,
only two of which must be debunked in the space available here.
*General Aguiyi-Ironsi
Abati claimed that in January 1966, “An Igbo man,
Nwafor Orizu, the acting President, handed over power to another Igbo man, General
Thomas Aguiyi-Ironsi.” He also claimed that, Ironsi “had been instrumental to
making the coup fail.”
Kaneng Daze, the daughter of Lieutenant Colonel James
Yakubu Pam, a victim of the January 15, 1966 coup, granted an interview, which The
Punch published in its edition of January 17, 2016 and which is also
circulating in the social media. At the time of the coup, Mrs. Daze was only
eight years old.
The following is a part of what she recalled: “So, my father
dressed up and got out of the room and started following them (the coup makers)
down the stairs. Before then, he made some few calls while he was with our mother…
The first was to (Brigadier Zakariya) Maimalari… I think it was that call that
alerted Maimalari that made him to escape. The second call was to General
(Aguiyi) Ironsi. Ironsi appeared not to have shown any surprise as he kept
saying, ‘I see! I see!! Okay!!!’ He dropped the phone and went down the first
stairs.”
*Gen Gowon
Dr. Abati and Mrs. Daze represent two broad types that
straddle Nigeria’s
contemporary history. Abati is of the class of Nigerians fully knowledgeable
about the minutest details of Nigeria’s
history but are crippled by a curious inability to live the truth. Mrs. Daze
belongs to the class unwilling or unable to reach beyond fairy tales and
determine for themselves the truths of their country’s stories.
Until
now, I didn’t believe any representative of the Nigerian government would raise
their voice during a conversation with parents of the missing Chibok
schoolgirls. Government exists to protect life and property, and, where it fails
as in the case of the Chibok schoolgirls, it should at least feel guilty. I
thought no Nigerian leader could look the distraught parents in the face and
still speak words that hurt.
I was
proved wrong on Thursday, as I read with disbelief what “Mama Taraba” Aisha
Alhassan told the Chibok parents during a meeting in Aso Villa. Here were
agonising parents transported from Chibok by the #BringBackOurGirls (BBOG)
movement to receive consolation from the powers that be. Here were parents
expecting the presidency to tell them when to expect their long lost daughters.
The presence of Hajiya Alhassan, who is also Nigeria’s minister of women
affairs, must have reassured them that there was a mother who would protect
their interests. How then could Alhassan, a mother and grandmother who is still
hoping to be awarded the governorship of TarabaState,
have spat on their faces?
“Mama
Taraba”, first, told the grieving parents they were not invited to the villa.
Then, she reportedly told them that the girls were not kidnapped under the
current government, “so why are you harassing us?” As if the diatribe was not
enough, Minister Alhassan reminded them: “You wanted schools, you wanted
hospitals, you wanted this and that… you wanted so many things.”
Professor Ali Mazurui wrote it all in his seminal work titled: “The African
Bigman”. And by this, I think he meant to refer to those Africans who inherited
the elite dynamics and dialectics of the departing Colonial Masters, and who
always want to act similarly in their colonial-mentalities and ways of doing
things. Also, methinks he was also referring to those emerging and emerged
African elites in their countries after independence, who lack humility in all
they do, especially because of their belief that they have attained high
societal positions that gives them the leverage to flaunt their kind of
attitudes (and therein knowingly and unknowingly trample on the less
privileged).
*Perpetual Victims
Yes! There is what could be regarded as “African Bigman
Syndrome”; which emanates truly from “Colonial Mentality”; whose roots is
surely, as we earlier said, from “Colonial Mental Attitude”. Indeed, Africans
who became elites after the departure of the white Colonial Masters, and indeed
those who replaced the departing Colonial Bourgeoisies in commercial and
administrative positions of authority (inheriting and living in their then big
houses, segregated Government Reserved Areas, using their types of big cars,
joining their segregated clubs, wearing their kind of clothing, eating their
kinds of food and drinking their kind of wine, etc) developed a syndrome of bigmanism
that “sickens” them all the time; making them to want to separate and
discriminate other down-trodden Africans (their less privileged brothers and
sisters). And this sickness has lingered from the days of our political flag
independence (we are yet to be economically independent), and have now,
dove-tailed-into what could be called/posited and asserted affirmatively today
as “Chronic Elite Conspiracy” against the masses of Nigeria.
What is this endemic elite-disease? What are its operative
methodologies? How has it affected the socio-political and economic aspects of
our society (country, nation, nation-state or call it whatever name you like!)?
Let’s attempt an answer! But before we do this, please permit us to first of
all define the three key words that are entrenched-in and encapsulates this
topic: Chronic; Elite and Conspiracy.
According to The Concise Oxford Dictionary, Chronic means:
Lingering; lasting; bad; intense; severe; acute; constant. Elite means: Best
(of a group); Select group or class. Conspiracy means: Act of conspiracy;
combination for unlawful purpose; plot; agreement to say nothing concerning a
matter.
Therefore, having all these definitions in mind, and having
observed the obvious display of the kind of mannerism (attitude) and actions of
Nigerian elites since her independence in 1960, can it not be rightly said
then, that a lingering/long lasting plot (which is definitely unlawful in
purposes) has been unleashed by a select group or class of Nigerians (who
through their high intellectual, administrative and commercial-enterprise
positions); have denied a vast majority/generality of Nigerians (through
discreet and open operating methods) their rights to their basic needs of life
(like food, shelter, clothing, education, medical care, employment, water,
electricity, transportation facilities, security and other social
amenities/utilities and services) and freedom; and also used the people’s
resources and wealth (commonwealth actually) to better themselves (which they
consciously and unconsciously concretized through their high-conspiratorial
high-life)?
By Dan Amor Nigeria is a nation of experts without roots. We are always
creating tacticians who are blind to strategy and strategists who cannot even
take a step. And when the culture has finished its work, the weak institutions
handcuff the infirmity. But what is at the centre of the panic which is our
national culture since we are not yet free to choose our leaders?
*Buhari and Obasanjo
Seeing how
ineligible dunces who don't even understand the secret of their private appeal,
talk less of what the nation needs jostle for power, I realize all over again
that Nigeria
is an unhappy contract between the rich and the poor. It is not that Nigeria is
altogether hideous, it is even by degrees pleasant, but for an honest observer,
there is hardly any salt in the wind.
Yet, in Nigeria, the myth of politics and the reality of life have diverged too far. There is nothing to return them to one another: no common love, no cause, no desire, and most essentially, no agreement here. Nigeria needed a hero before the exit of the White man, a hero central to his time. Nigeria needed a man whose personality might suggest contradictions and mysteries which could reach into the alienated circuits of the underground, because only a hero can capture the secret imagination of a people, and so be good for the vitality of his nation. A hero embodies the fantasy and so allows each private mind the liberty to consider its fantasy and find a way to grow. Each mind can become more conscious of its desires and waste less strength in hiding from itself. Roosevelt was such a hero, and Churchill, Lenin, De Gaulle and Mandela. Even Hitler, to take the most odious example of this argument, was a hero, the hero-as-monster, embodying what had become the monstrous fantasy of a people, but the horror upon which the radical mind and liberal temperament foundered was that he gave outlets to the energies of the Germans, and so presented the twentieth century with an index of how horrible had become the secret heart of its desires.
By Ugochukuwu Ejinkeonye By Wednesday,
April 1, 2015 when Nigeria’s
Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) announced General Muhammadu
Buhari of the All Progressives Congress (APC) the winner of the March 2015
presidential elections, the rainy season was already here with us. And as all
keen and informed observers of Nigeria’s
power sector were already fully aware, at that particular season each year, we
usually witnessed some improvement in electricity supply due to the increase in
the water level usually witnessed at our dams; and 2015 was certainly not going
to be an exception.
*President Buhari and Lai Mohammed
While the APC
and its supporters were all over the place immersed in boundless revelling, chest-beatings
and other self-congratulatory gestures, and asking anyone whose ear they were
able to attract to await the wonders and miracles which the APC had so freely
and loudly promised during the elections now that their “Wonder Man” has won
the election, I visited a shop near my office. And there I saw a barely
literate young man who was so happy with himself as he confidently told the few
people who had some time to spare for his poorly coordinated lectures about what
he perceived as Buhari’s pre-inauguration accomplishments:
“You see what I have been saying? The man has not even
been sworn in and we are already enjoying light [electricity supply] every day!
What will happen then when he is sworn in? Just wait and see! Once he enters
there, you will see how everything will change!”
His cocksureness
was amazing. He spoke pidgin English, and so what I have attempted here is mere
paraphrase of his happy outbursts.
Now, one could
easily ignore this clear advertisement of ignorance, but after listening to that
fellow that bright afternoon, and thought about the matter later, I begun to have
this fear lurking somewhere in me that the APC, given its antecedents and
distinguishing character, might soon start reechoing this fellow. Anyone who closely observed the party during
the campaigns and elections would readily recall that, somehow, it does not easily
recoil from saying just anything that can help it win a few more ears no matter
how easily such claims would simply evaporate in the face of reality.
And so, I had
to quickly write an article entitled, “Electricity:
Can Buhari Break The Jinx?” in which I attempted an analysis of why,
in my view, former President Goodluck Jonathan could not achieve an impressive
record in the power sector and urged Buhari and his people to hasten to do the
right things to achieve a name for themselves since they had unduly raised the
people’s expectations during the campaigns. Then I gave them the timely counsel
which is contained in the following extract:
“Now, it is a known
fact that during each rainy season, there is usually some improvement in
electricity supply as currently being witnessed by Nigerians. But instead of
deploying solid effort to increase the amount of electricity generation and
distribution in the country, the government may naively choose to sit still and
start announcing this development as one of its ‘great achievements.’ That would amount to repeating the folly of
previous administrations which had also done that forgetting that the rains
would soon go away and they would run out of lies trying to explain away the
biting reality that would dawn with the sudden return of darkness.”
Prof Charles Chukwuma Soludo, former governor of Central Bank of Nigeria and former governorship aspirant in AnambraState,
got the nation anxious again when he declared in a no-holds-barred manner that
former President Goodluck Jonathan ran the Central Bank of Nigeria in manners akin to that of Uganda’s
late dictator, Idi Amin. Soludo did not fall short of accusing the former
president of ordering the CBN to ‘print’ say, N3 trillion under the guise of
creating an intervention fund for national stability but which is eventually
doled out to prosecute an election campaign or just about anything the
president fancies. He further described the CBN as the presidency’s ATM under
Jonathan.
*Soludo
Such an unsubstantiated grave allegation coming from a man like
Soludo is, indeed, worrisome. That a man of Soludo’s status would condescend so
low, throw caution to the wind, jump on the bandwagon, play to the gallery and
take advantage of the political situation in Nigeria to make spurious
allegations unscrupulously against the former president is a sign of the
decline and amnesia which has gripped our political class in the last eight
months.
Apart from the fact that such unguarded outburst is false, the timing is
instructive.
In the months prior to the appointment of Ministers by President
Buhari, Soludo was so desperate to be noticed that he suddenly became vocal in
condemning the immediate past administration and accused them of just anything
that tickled his fancy all in a bid to get Buhari’s attention. His nearly
endless tirade against Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Nigeria’s immediate past Minister
of Finance and
Coordinating Minister of the Economy, is legendary. Despite all his efforts,
President Buhari overlooked him and settled for someone who by her deportment
is timid and easily malleable than a Soludo who is brash, rash, abrasive,
confrontational and does ITK (I Too Know).
After having missed that opportunity, and with the growing rumour that the job
of the current CBN Governor, Godwin Emefiele, is hanging in the balance
following the shambolic state of our economy and the continued slide in the
value of the naira, it is time for Soludo to remind Buhari that he is still
jobless and quite available for the CBN top job, and the only way to do this
since he does not have direct access to the president is to criticise the past
administration for just anything that would make him sound as being in the same
boat with the president and his men, and probably be considered for a job in
the current administration.
However, a look at Soludo’s leadership of the CBN between May 29,
2004 and May 29, 2009, when he held sway there leaves much to be desired.
Instead
of giving Nigerians the change you championed, give them excuses. Blame
Goodluck Jonathan for everything.
In six years of Goodluck Jonathan’s presidency, the
opposition told us again and again the man was “clueless.” It made sure the tag
stuck to him like glue. But now we have a new sheriff in town, with the APC
claiming to be better at everything than the PDP. While that might still be
subject to debate, there is overwhelming evidence that in the cluelessness
department, the PDP is certainly no match for the APC.
*Jonathan and Buhari
Here is a compendium from the APC textbook of
cluelessness, provided within barely one year in office. If you want to know
how to be a clueless president, this is the APC blueprint.
Instead of giving Nigerians the change you championed,
give them excuses. Blame Goodluck Jonathan for everything, including the
harmattan. Whenever you make a blunder, pass the buck to the former president.
If there is petrol shortage, blame it on Goodluck Jonathan. If the budget is
dead on arrival, blame it on Goodluck Jonathan.
In the middle of an economic crisis, promise to provide
Nigerians with free education; free meals daily for millions of Nigerian public
school-children; free tertiary education; free health-care and free houses.
Facing a drastic drop in Nigeria’s
income, declare you will be giving grants of N1.5 trillion a year to Nigeria’s poor.
When you fail to deliver on any on these highfalutin promises, blame it quickly
on Goodluck Jonathan.
Forget the name of your vice-presidential running-mate.
Call him Yemi Osunbade instead of Yemi Osinbajo. Tell President Obama the name
of your political party is the All Nigeria’s Peoples’ Congress when it is All
Progressives Congress. Call your party on CNN the All Progressives Confidence.
By
Kparobo M. Ehvwubare
Four years after the amalgamation of Nigeria, an ex-Judge Stocker, described
the Contraption called Nigeria as a form of system he called: The Nigerian System. He described the Nigerian system as "A setback to a condition of things resembling the barbarous ages”. As at the time, “The Nigerian system”
was and is still the most infernal system that was ever designed for the
express purpose of humiliating and depressing the units of any loyal and
progressive community.
(pix:homestrings)
The three basic principles for the successful
working of the Nigerian System were and are still: *IGNORANCE, FEAR and MILITARY
TERRORISM: Infernal – extremely evil or cruel; expressive of cruelty or
befitting hell.
The Nigerian System– Designed To Fail To restrain and subvert the greed and selfishness of the Emirs because of his consistent dread of a Jihad or holy war against him or his government in the Northern Protectorate, Lord Fredrick Lugard charmed them into submission with the princely salary and a 50% allocation of the native’s treasury funds. These funds were derived from direct taxation thereby creating a distinction, without a difference between their private and public funds.
While Sir Lugard humored at the greed of these Emirs and the ignorance of the peasant natives, he had a successful rule as a mini-god, as long as he did not tamper with their religion. Hence, the cementation of the system where only “a few were beneficiary of state funds while the peasants were at the mercy of a ruling class”. In that system, he termed as the “indirect rule” in the Northern Protectorate. He had subtly guided these Emirs {ruling class} to the center of the garden to taste the fruit of knowledge, and to be able to decipher between good and bad while the natives were left in perpetual ignorance.
Things did not work out so well when Lugard arrived the Southern Protectorate and the Lagos Colony. There, he met missionary schools in several nooks and corners, educated natives with a system of government that was designed to progress. During his presentation on taxation policy to the parliament in 1913, he was bombarded with several questions on these policies and considerations were put forward on the affordability in defense of the natives. These didn’t quite go well with the god-emperor Sir Frederick Lugard. Ignorance was not going to be a basic tool for success in the Southern Protectorate/Colony as it were in the Northern Protectorate.
Most of the Princes and some commoners of the Southern Protectorate were already scholars of western education. Hence, history reports that Sir Fredrick’s policy met with such a lamentable and disastrous failure in the Lagos Colony and Southern Provinces. The darkness of ignorance from the Northern provinces was dispelled by the people of the Southern provinces championing Rights, Liberty and Justice.
Faced with the challenges of imposing the "divide and rule by ignorance” policy of the Northern provinces on the Southern Provinces and Colony that was strongly opposed by the natives of the Southern provinces, Sir Fredrick Lugard thereby devised the sudden thoughts of creating the CONTRAPTION called UNITED NIGERIA.
The minister for
justice just announced that judges found to be corrupt will be tried by
this administration. This is problematic. Though this sentiment is much shared,
it should not be left to the president and his administration to define
“corruption,” or determine which judge is corrupt. For the avoidance of doubt
the writ of this republic does not make the president the supreme authority of
the land.
*Buhari
The constitution
is the governing authority of this republic, and the president is, as are all
Nigerians, governed by the Constitution. It would amount to overreach for the
president to break the thin glass boundaries that established the separation of
powers under the constitution. It would be power-grabbing, and the National
Assembly and the courts must keep an eye on this president. In fact, it is
about time that the National Assembly moved to reduce some of the powers
granted the president, because one of the great sources of corruption in Nigeria is the
enormous and almost limitless power granted the executive by this constitution
designed by the military. Let me advert the minds of Nigerians to January 1,
1984: a military coup had just sacked the democratically elected Government of
President Shehu Shagari. At the head of that coup was a tall, lean, unsmiling
General, who came across as a Spartan, no-nonsense, missionary soldier, out to
rescue Nigeria
from political and economic collapse.
Shagari had just
been re-elected in a very controversial election, which had the great Nnamdi
Azikiwe spewing fire in his very prophetic, as it turned out, post-election
letter to Nigerians, “History Will Vindicate the Just,”
published widely in the Nigerian Press. It was clear that the election was
riddled with irregularities. Yet, corruption in the politics of those years was
the bread and butter kind. It was confined mostly in the political parties. The
civil institutions were still intact: the public service; the judicial system;
the entire bureaucracy of state governance which could put to check to the
excesses of political leadership. And they were still all there in 1984. Then
came Buhari and his dark-browed praetorian guard, sacking the civil government,
and instituting a rule by decrees. The first order of business was to dismantle
the credibility of the elected political leaders the soldiers had sacked. In
very elaborate fashion General Buhari and his rubber-stamp Supreme Military
Council authorized the arrest, detention, and prosecution of the discredited
politicians. His Minister for Justice, Chike Ofodile quickly crafted decrees
that established extrajudicial tribunals that evacuated the powers of the civil
courts. Some of the trials were in-camera. But it soon became obvious that
these arrests and detentions were skewered mostly against politicians from the
South, particularly of the group that called itself the Progressive Peoples
Alliance (PPA) and by politicians from the Middle Belt. It might have been
inadvertent, but the impression it created was of a partisan, regionalist
witch-hunt of Southern politicians – some of them the most popular, and in
fact, the more credible in their visible achievements in the four years between
1979 and 1983.
By Dan Amor Even as the River Niger surges still along its
wonted path to its dalliance with the River Benue and the consequent emptying
of the passionate union into the mazes of the Delta, and, thereafter, into the
vast, swelling plenitude of the all-welcoming seas, it is Nigeria, our Nigeria. True, Lagos
is still Lagos; Abuja
is still Abuja.
It is, indeed, injury time in a new country under a new democracy, our
democracy! Yet, everywhere you look, things look pretty much as they always
have been. Still, the sway of buffoonery and unintelligent greed; still the
billowing gown arrogance of the supposedly powerful, the surface laughter of
the crashing rivers celebrating the disquieting crisis of democracy, the
riveting appearances of things.
*President Buhari
Splendid is the current! Yet, into the heart of
the average Nigerian pop uninvited intimations that we live today in the cusp
of a new age, a new country and a new democracy. Alas, it is a new era. But in
the lull between the passions and exertions and excitations of our workaday
world today, at these times when the body yields to repose and the mind nestles
in shades of quietude, it hits you: it is the dawn of change! But, what manner
of change is this? From better to worse? Something, you realize, is going on in this
country, something is happening here. But what? What is it? What really is
going on? It is simply real. It is the season of change. It is the season of
democracy. But democracy, as you know, never comes like a bolt from the girthless
skies. It comes rather upon the ripening. Whether in our bodies or our
characters, or our large, tall and considerable affairs, democracy is a
ripening, stage after stage and after stage. The trouble, however, is: we live
half-blind, usually even totally blind to the obvious processes of liquidation
being sponsored by our rulers against our nascent democracy.
In the last few years,
there has been increased agitation for localisation of services in the power
sector especially in the local manufacture of smart meters. Local manufacturers
of meters now have an opportunity to showcase their capability under the local
content initiative. This will lead to the creation of jobs and business
opportunities as marketers of electricity recharge cards or vouchers just as
experienced in the Telecommunication sector will spring up along with companies
involved in metering and customer billing systems.
*Idowu Oyebanjo
A critical element that will
hold NESI in good steer is the need for a global procurement strategy or
culture where stakeholders leverage on the volume of purchase to reduce cost.
In the atmosphere of cuts, this will serve the industry well. This can start now.
As Discos seek to purchase meters in bulk, they should negotiate a fair deal in
view of the number of meters they will have to purchase. Consultants and
service providers will not be left out as installation, operation, and required
maintenance services for meters procured will be sourced. Generally speaking,
there is need to establish the Joint Qualification System (JQS) and register of
suitably pre-qualified practitioners to provide these services by the Nigerian
Content Joint Consultative forum.
Other potential
opportunities include but not limited to the provision of Demand Side Response
and Distributed Energy Resources (DERs), pursuit of revenue protection
initiatives by Discos, energy efficiency and energy conservation (as those who
waste electricity will now conserve it and therefore contribute to increased
availability of power elsewhere on the network), increased network operational
efficiency, phased introduction of feed-in-tariffs (as consumers deploy
renewable generation on their roofs), increased penetration of embedded
generation with the attendant reduction in network losses and accelerated
increase in availability of electricity supply.
The
Petroleum Products Pricing Regulatory Agency’s Executive Secretary, Farouk
Ahmed, reportedly announced, at a press briefing in Abuja on 29th December,
2015, that a revised template for fuel pricing had been approved by the Agency;
the announcement was evidently the formal manifestation of the ‘modulated
pricing’ model earlier canvassed by Ibe Kachikwu, the NNPC CEO and current
Minister of State for Petroleum. Thus, with the adoption of the new template,
petrol price will be reduced from N87 to N86 in NNPC filling stations, while
other marketers would sell at a pump price of N86.50/litre.
However,
in contrast to the previous static cost template, fuel prices would henceforth
be reviewed quarterly to reflect fluctuations in any cost variable. Indeed,
Kachikwu had also corroborated the thrust of the new template when he
emphasized in an earlier press briefing in Kaduna on December 2015 that “we are
not going to be fluctuating prices day to day, we are going to take like an
average, and I think that today when you look at the prices, we have no
subsidy, because prices remain low and that is what we need to do”. Kachikwu’s
statement probably suggests that the reviewed fuel price has fallen below the
existing subsidy threshold of N87/litre; consequently, government decided to
pass on between N1 and 50Kobo/litre discount on petrol prices to the public,
despite the oppressive N2Tn projected loan required to fund 2016 budget
deficit. The PPPRA’s modulated response to fuel pricing is allegedly a
demonstration of government’s “honesty in being able to sell products to
Nigerians at affordable prices that make sense”. Nonetheless, the Minister is
certain that we still need to get out of the subsidy debacle, because, according
to him “the reliability and affordability of subsidy are issues we need to get
away from, whether or not you believe in subsidy”.
By Iyoha John Darlington The world has lived through great civilizations and civilization itself has had its worst enemies. Man driven by lust for power and personal aggrandizement plays god to others and we have encountered with so many of them through the ages. The historic tripartite pact of 1936 saw a fusion of power blocs. Benito Mussolini ruled by caprice in fascist Italy, in Nazi Germany Adolf Hitler allied with Emperor Hirohito of Japan in a bid to bestride the world like a colossus.
*Buhari
Other outposts of tyranny include Jordan under
King Abdullah, Libya under Ghaddafi, Cuba under Fidel Castrol, the rogue
regimes of North Korea and Iran, Iraq under Saddam, Uganda under Amin the late
despot and Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe who has ruled the country for nearly four
decades.These were cold-blooded brutes who hid under a cause to unleash fury on
their subjects and silenced dissenting voices in their political domains.
A lot of lives were lost and the world and most
regions experienced unprecedentedly abysmal demographic change calling to mind
the attempted extermination of the Jewish race out of which six million Jews
gassed to death where they were held in death camps and other million of lives
that were lost in World War11. Thousands of unarmed civilians mainly Kurds were
killed in Halabja poison gas attack by the regime in Baghdad
under Saddam Hussein, Iron-fisted Benito Mussolini clamped down on his own
people while he ruled over Italy.
Back home in Africa,
the State Research Bureau, Amin's secret agents killed many Ugandans some of
whose flesh he fed on like a cannibal. These were all dark moments in human
history. As luck would have it they all methodically took their unceremonious
exits from the earth under unfortunate circumstances.
By Emmanuel Onwubiko The universal symbol of justice is the statue of a very
beautiful but blindfolded beauty queen wielding a sharp sword with which
justice is dispensed to all irrespective of class, status or race.
There is also a universal unanimity that justice must be
dispensed with timeliness since justice delayed is said to be justice denied.
In Nigeria however criminal and civil justice is slower than a
typical snail because of a number of reasons ranging from prosecutorial
bureaucratic bottlenecks created by professional incompetence of the police
which coordinates much of the prosecution of criminal cases and several other
extenuating factors including but certainly unlimited to outright corruption
and compromise on the part of the presiding judges.
Judicial corruption is therefore a hydra-headed monster that has
unleashed unwarranted delay in the dispensation of justice especially to the
poor and disadvantaged litigants.
Miss Cynthia Osokogu and the four undergraduates of University of Port Harcourt
(ALUU4) murdered by the villagers in Aluu ikwerre in
Rivers State on trumped up charges of theft have come to symbolize the most
abominable kind of delayed justice because these two cases have lingered for
almost four years without the killers being punished for these gruesome acts of
criminal depravity.
Miss Cynthia’s case is pathetic because she was lured into
her untimely but primitive death by her would-be business associates whom she
encountered via the social media of Facebook.
Handcuffing
Of Metuh: A Deliberate Plot By Buhari To Subjugate The Opposition — PDP
The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has condemned in totality the brazen display
of authoritarianism demonstrated by the President Muhammadu Buhari-led APC
Government in handcuffing its National Publicity Secretary, Chief Olisa Metuh
even when the court is yet to hear his case.
This was contained in a statement signed by its National
Secretary, Prof. Adewale Oladipo.
The PDP spokesman who was remanded in Kuje Prison last Friday,
was brought to court this morning in handcuffs.
He was brought to court in a prison bus with registration No.
PS-682-AO.
Metuh is answering to a seven-count criminal charge that was
preferred against him by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC.
“This development which expectedly elicited widespread public
outcry clearly betrays an extra-judicial, top political witch-hunt policy of
the APC, carefully designed to humiliate, embarrass and portray PDP leaders as
common criminals and set the stage to cow and decimate opposition and perceived
foes of the government”.