By Sola Ebiseni
The judgements of the Presidential Election Petition Court just delivered last week, precisely on Wednesday, September 6, 2023 are expectedly the predominant and trending issue in the Nigerian polity. We do not intend to do an intensive analysis of the judgments here today considering the fact that our final position is circumscribed by the decisions of organisations to which we subscribe in membership, principles and ideologies.
It, however, suffices to say that the judgements, as one, is a landmark in its most damaging revisionist dimensions for our laws generally, election jurisprudence in particular and for the Nigerian polity and politics. It did not require much literacy from anyone listening to the delivery of the judgement to decipher from the very beginning that the petitions were really undergoing butchery rather than any forensic legal analysis that may lead to justice.
Some of the scary issues,
including requiring the petitioners to have specifically pinpointed the number
of polling units among the total of 176,974 across the country where elections
were allegedly manipulated; that the petitions were rendered worthless on the
grounds that statements on oath of witnesses who attended court on its subpoena
were not frontloaded and attached to petition before the expiration of
statutory time for filing the petitions, failure which such testimonies were
discountenanced by the court.
Of concern to Nigerians, not
just the petitioners and their supporters should be the curious decision of the
Petition Court that the Electoral Act and the INEC Regulations and Guidelines
provide for only manual collation of election results, that there is no
provisions for mandatory electronic transmission or collation of election
results and that the only collation system provided for by the Act and the
Regulations, are the various collation centres by which pronouncement a huge
sum of money has not only wasted for quality technological control but the
culture which preaches that ballot boxes be ‘grabbed, snatched and run away
with’ is perpetuated.
Of course, well-meaning
Nigerians and our friends round the world will be interested in the final
decision on the various issues of disqualification under Section 137 of the
Constitution. Of special interest to us as it is more of the interpretation of
the Constitution is the court’s decision on Section 134(2) (b) of the
Constitution on the requirements for declaring any person as the President of
the Republic of Nigeria. The court on page 321 reproduced Section 299 thus:
“The provisions of this Constitution shall apply to the Federal Capital
Territory, Abuja as if it were one of the states of the Federation; and
accordingly - (a) all the legislative powers, the executive powers and the
judicial powers vested in the House of Assembly, the Governor of a State and in
the courts of a State shall, respectively, vest in the National Assembly, the
President of the Federation and in the courts which by virtue of the foregoing
provisions are courts established for the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja; (b)
all the powers referred to in paragraph (a) of this section shall be exercised
in accordance with the provisions of this Constitution; and (c) the provisions
of this Constitution pertaining to the matters aforesaid shall be read with
such modifications and adaptations as may be reasonably necessary to bring them
into conformity with the provisions of this section”.
However, court interpreting the
provisions on page 322 of the judgement said “the provision states most
unequivocally that the entire provisions of the Constitution shall apply to the
Federal Capital Territory as if it were one of the states of the Federation”.
Further on page 323 it was held that “the point being made here is that,
contrary to the position of the Petitioners, by the express provisions of
Section 299 above the provisions of the entire Constitution shall apply
to the Federal Capital Territory as if it were one of the states of the
Federation”.
Concluding on page 324 the court
held as follows: “As expressly stated in Section 299, of the Constitution, for
the purpose of fulfilling the requirements of Section 134 (2) (b) of the
Constitution for the return of a presidential candidate as duly elected, the
Federal Capital Territory Abuja is to be treated as one of the states of the
Federation in the calculation of two-thirds of the states of the Federation.
Such that if the candidate polls twenty-five per cent or one-quarter of the
votes in two-thirds of 37 states of the Federation (FCT Abuja inclusive) the
Presidential candidate shall be deemed to have been duly elected, even if he
fails to score twenty-five per cent of the votes cast in the Federal Capital
Territory, Abuja as the Second Respondent did”.
First, we have deliberately
underlined some words and figures like ‘entire’ and ’37 states’ which are not
in any section of the Constitution which the court have curiously imported into
the inviolable grundnorm with monumental implications and damaging
consequences. Section 299 which serves as the foundation on which the court
erected its interpretation of Section 134 did not contain the word ‘entire’
imported therein by the Petition Court. The section unambiguously and strictly
deals with the administration of the FCT wherein the National Assembly shall
make law like the House of Assembly does for a state, the President as its
Governor and the High Court of the FCT having same status and jurisdiction as
state High Court. This is what happens even in reality and as determined by the
Supreme Court in the case of Bakari v Ogundipe excitedly cited by the court but
wrongly with the greatest respect.
To remove any temptation to
extend the provisions of the section to other unintended sections the section
in subsection (b) says “all the powers referred to in paragraph (a) of this
section shall be exercised in accordance with the provisions of this
Constitution. Section 3 (5) instructively provides that “the provisions of this
Constitution in part 1 of Chapter VIII hereof shall, in relation to FCT Abuja,
have effect in the manner set out thereunder. The provision clearly limits the
effect of Chapter VIII with respect to the FCT to the administrative matters
set out thereunder.
The importation and inclusion of
the phrase ‘entire provisions of the Constitution’ is to deliberately extend
the reference to the administration of the FCT, Abuja in section 299 ‘as if it
were one of the states of the Federation” to section 134 for the purpose of
justifying the declaration by the INEC. For clarity, the 7th edition of Black’s
Law Dictionary defines the word “entire” as an adjective which means “whole;
complete in all parts. Not divisible into parts”. The court has amended
the Constitution and thus audaciously held that “if the candidate polls 25 per
cent or one-quarter of the votes in two-thirds of 37 states of the Federation
(FCT Abuja inclusive) the Presidential candidate shall be deemed to have been
duly elected.”
To give effect to the 37th state
the constitution will have to be amended in the “entire” parts which will
include Section 2 (2) which distinguishes the states and FCT. Section 3(1)
which provides that “there shall be 36 states in Nigeria” with their
constituent Local Governments in Part 1of the First Schedule may need to be
amended to accommodate the FCT as the 37th State and the Area Councils therein
changed to Local Governments. Section 3 (4) which defines the FCT with
particulars stated in clear geographical and cartographic details in part 2 of
the 1st schedule, may have to be defined in terms of the new Local Governments
in the same manner as other states.
In like manner, section 7 which
deals with the Local Government system and gives the government of every state
power to ensure their existence etc; the process of new states creation or
boundary adjustment in Section 8 as well as decisions on the
alteration of the constitution itself all of which require the participation of
2/3 or ¾ of the states of the Federation to the exclusion of the FCT will now
mutatis mutandis have to be amended. Of course, section 48 which provides that
“the Senate shall consist of three Senators from each state and one from the
Federal Capital Territory, Abuja” will be altered to increase the number
of senators of the new Nigerian 37th state to three.
The amendment will extend to
section 162 to enable the new 37th state have access to the federation account.
The decision to extend Section 299 to the ‘entire’ Constitution with the
concomitant creation of Abuja as the 37th state is of greater and
catastrophic consequences for the structure of the Nigerian Federation. First,
arising from the crisis thrown up by the definition of two thirds of the 19
states under the 1979 constitution and the Presidential Election of that year
which culminated in the Awolowo v Shagari legal imbroglio which effects
lingered till the Buhari coup of December 31, 1983 which ended the second
Republic, Nigeria has ensured that the number of the federating states is divisible
by three, which is the undisguised reason for the 30 states structure of
Babangida on August 27, 1991 and the present 36 wrought under General Sanni
Abacha on October 1, 1996.
Just as the nation grappled with
the true interpretation of 2/3 of 19 states whether it is to the next whole
number of 13 or 12 2/3 as the Supreme Court finally and controversially
resolved, by the Court of Appeal judgment, 25 percent of the 2/3 of its 37
states will amount to 24 2/3. While it may appear that no problem is posed in a
situation where the declared candidate may have scored 25 percent in more
than 25 states which pyrrhic victory the present interpretation
seeks to protect, it cannot be overemphasised that a constitution is made as an
all-time testament of a nation.
It is equally noteworthy that
since the disruption of the 12 states structure created by Yakubu Gowon regime
in 1967 wherein Nigeria was divided into 6 states each on North/South
basis was disrupted by the 19 states of the Murtala/Obasanjo regime in 1976
which gave the North 9 as against 8 for the South, the imbalance has been a
major cause of concern in the polity. The current 36 states of 19/17 to the
advantage of the North has further widened the gap of imbalance and increased
the temperature of agitation against it.
The 2014 National Conference
addressed the disequilibrium by proposing a 42 states structure with 21 apiece
on North/South regional basis and 7 per the 6 geopolitical zones. It is this
delicate balance that the Court of Appeal now seeks to upset by the insensitive
and political interpretation of creating an additional 37th state increasing
the northern tally thereof to 20. Whereas the Federal Capital Territory was
created and announced by the Head of State, General Murtala Mohammed on the 3rd
of February 1976, ten days before he was assassinated, as the potpourri of all
ethnic groups and tribes and the land acquired by the Federal Government for
such overriding public purposes, the FCT Minister (which oversees the territory
as Governor on behalf of the President has always been persons of northern
origin.
The appointment of Nyesom Wike,
former Governor of Rivers State is seen as an aberration. We now in reality
have persons said to be indigenes of the acquired FCT and who agitate in that
capacity for permanent appointment as Minister of the Territory. Our humble
opinion is that there is no legal justification for the holding that the
FCT Abuja is a State, the political implications therein is no less monumental
in the negative sense.
*Ebiseni
is the Secretary General, Afenifere and South West Coordinator OBIDATTI
Campaigns.
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