The August 1985 coup
in Nigeria
was regarded as a palace coup, a smooth changing of the guards. I have no idea
if anyone died in the operation but the event itself has refused to die, thanks
to President Muhammadu Buhari. The victim of that coup, Buhari, has reminded us
from time to time that he was unfairly removed as the head of state and kept in
detention for three years by the Ibrahim Babangida boys. Let us roll back the
tape a little bit. On December 31, 1983 as Nigerians were at various prayer
venues asking God to make 1984
a better year than 1983, they had no idea that Buhari
and his co-conspirators were on the verge of removing a legitimately elected
civilian government headed by President Shehu Shagari.
*President Buhari |
Many Nigerians may
have been amazed at the scale of rigging in the October 1983 Presidential
elections but may not have expected a return of the military to the
presidential podium after 13 years of brutal military dictatorship. Nigerians
woke up on January 1 not knowing whether to say to each other a ‘Happy New Year’
or a ‘Happy New Government’ since they were uncertain what was in the belly of
the coup. One year and eight months later, Buhari was overthrown by the same
Babangida Boys who put him on the throne. Babangida now took over the
presidential chair and kept Buhari in detention for about three years.
Apparently, Buhari has not been able to bring himself to forgive or forget
since then.
At the recent
commissioning of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) corporate
headquarters in
It is obvious that
even though he has ascended the throne as an elected President the bitterness
is still there. In an interview with the Interview Magazine a few years ago,
he had raised the issue. He said that General Aliyu Gusau, one of the coup
plotters that brought him to power was to be retired for a number of reasons
including alleged corruption. He said that he presented the proposal for
Gusau’s retirement to the Army Council and some forces rallied against his
government and Gusau was saved. Gusau has said in his own response that despite
his active and significant part in the coup that overthrew Shagari, Buhari
treated him shabbily and offered him no significant position.
Gusau’s view has been
corroborated by retired Major Mustapha Jokolo who was Buhari’s ADC when he was
head of state. In an interview with the Daily Sun some months ago, Jokolo
said that only two of the coup plotters were given political appointments:
David Mark as Governor of Niger
State and Ahmed Abdullahi as Minister of Communication. Jokolo said that the
failure to give some of the other men who put their lives on the line for the
success of the coup any political appointment had definitely set the stage for
Bahuri’s overthrow. He said: “When we came to Dodan Barracks with Buhari he was
holding a meeting with senior military officers and all the coup plotters were
outside. They came to meet me in the ADC’s office – Shagaya, Akilu, Sabo Aliyu,
Zaki, Tanko Ayuba. They told me, Mustapha, what the bloody hell is going on?
Why are we outside and these people are inside? Why is he not holding a meeting
with us? We have just finished this coup and honestly we are going to stage
another one now. They said that to me. They are alive”.
Jokolo also confirmed
that Gusau played a very important part in the coup by raising money for the
venture and by protecting the coup plotters from the Nigerian Security
Organization (NSO) headed by Alhaji Umaru Shinkafi. Jokolo said that when some
of the coup plotters got drunk they would speak rubbish and threaten people.
The NSO agents were filing these reports but Gusau protected them from the NSO.
Jokolo said he asked Buhari why he did not make Gusau the Director General of
NSO. His reply was that he did not want to give two security appointments to
IBB’s people. He had already made Haliru Akilu, an IBB boy, the Director of
Military Intelligence. Jokolo says there were definitely some misgivings
between IBB and Buhari.
The story of that coup
obviously is like the story of the seven blind men and the elephant. Each of
the blind men describes the elephant his own way depending on which part of the
elephant he touched. Contrary to Mr. Buhari’s story the history of that coup cannot
be written purely, wholly and solely from an anti-corruption point of view.
There is evidence from some of the coup plotters that they felt aggrieved that
they were not amply rewarded or rewarded at all for putting their lives on the
line. There seemed to be some element of “monkey
dey work, baboon dey chop”. Even these issues raised by Jokolo may not
fully account for the counter coup of August 1985. Every coup has both remote
and immediate causes. Outside the immediate circle of the coup plotters the Buhari
government had various issues to contend with. His appointment of Col Tunde
Idiagbon, a northerner and a Moslem like himself as his deputy did not go down
well with non-northerners and non-Moslems considering the multi-ethnic,
multi-religious nature of Nigeria .
That skewed appointment haunted him for the entire duration of his tenure like
an inscrutable mystery.
Also, his anti-press,
anti-truth law named Decree 4 did
not earn him plaudits from the press or the public. When Tunde Thompson and
Nduka Irabor of The Guardian were jailed for one year under that obnoxious
decree there was a national uproar. A number of media and human rights
institutions planned a hero’s welcome for the two men on the expected day of
their release from prison. To take the wind out of the sails of these planned
events the government released them a few days earlier. No one was ever tried
again under that unpopular decree.
A number of analysts
were happy that Buhari’s government was able to instill some discipline into
the public psyche through his War Against Indiscipline (WAI). Many people were
also happy that he was pursuing some of the alleged thieves in the country. But
his human rights record was awful. He threw many people in detention for months
without trail. He enacted and backdated a decree by which three young men were
killed for cocaine offences that did not exist as a death penalty offence when
they were arrested. The public was aghast and nobody was ever killed again
under that law. That, again, says something about the barbaric nature of those
laws.
Besides, Buhari
appeared unable to read the mood of the public. After 13 years of tyrannical
military rule with little to show for it the public was not interested in
having another long regime of men in big boots. Throughout the period of his
stay Buhari never put forward a programme of transfer of power to civilians.
Even if Shagari’s government won the 1983 election fraudulently the public that
had been yearning for civil rule would have definitely preferred to be given
the chance to vote that government out with their ballot papers. By the gift of
hindsight it is obvious that our democracy would have been deepened by now if
Shagari was not overthrown and military rule imposed on the country for 16
horrendous years.
Buhari’s regular song
on his anti-corruption exploits is good for a country that has been enmeshed in
systemic and endemic corruption since independence. His reputation as a
reasonably honest man and his non-ostentatious life style are good tools for
the anti-corruption campaign but they are clearly not enough. Let us admit for
starters that corruption is very difficult to fight because it is perpetrated
largely in secret. Secondly, the corrupt can, if they are able, always fight
back since they are very powerful. But the campaign can receive a shot in the
arm if it is fought holistically, fairly, evenly, with no exceptions made for
friends or cronies or associates. Such exceptions provide opponents of the
campaign with live ammunition. They also constitute the chink in the campaign’s
armour. Even though I admit that the campaign is waged in a discriminatory
manner I still support it based on the fact that it is better fought even
incompetently than not being fought at all.
From what Jokolo has
said about Buhari who was his boss three issues have arisen.
(a) Buhari feels comfortable working in his small, narrow circle
(b) He is stiff necked and
(c) He pays little attention to the issue of alienation of those who placed the ladder for him to climb. His narrow world view makes it possible for him to make controversial appointments without bothering about the consequences. His inflexibility allows him to justify his wrong decisions even if they tend to hurt him.
(a) Buhari feels comfortable working in his small, narrow circle
(b) He is stiff necked and
(c) He pays little attention to the issue of alienation of those who placed the ladder for him to climb. His narrow world view makes it possible for him to make controversial appointments without bothering about the consequences. His inflexibility allows him to justify his wrong decisions even if they tend to hurt him.
Perhaps his most fatal
flaw is the issue of alienation of those who should not be alienated but who
should be on the table with him. The 1985 coup issue is an example. A few
months ago, the Comptroller General of Customs who was the Chairman of the
Buhari Support Group, Col. Hamid Ali, complained about the marginalisation of
those who sweated for Buhari’s success in 2015 but are now nowhere near the
dining table. Buhari must have been putting his ears to the ground and hearing
the loud grumblings of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu’s loyalists.
They are miffed that
Buhari has not embraced warmly the South West astute political arranger without
whom he might not have been in Aso Villa today. But it is clear that Buhari is
now making some awkward attempts to coddle Tinubu. Tinubu’s followers believe
this new love affair is now instigated by the aerial bombardments unleashed on
Buhari by Dr. Olusegun Obasanjo, Chief Ayo Adebanjo and some other leaders of Afenifere recently. They think that
Buhari’s effort is too little too late. But in politics nothing is truly
permanent.
*Ray Ekpu, a veteran
journalist and eminent writer was the CEO of Newswatch Communications –
publishers of the defunct Newswatch magazine
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