By Paul Onomuakpokpo
After
President Muhammadu Buhari came into office in 2015, one of the measures he
took seemingly to restore the professional integrity of the Department of State
Services (DSS) was to overhaul it. The worry then was that the operatives of
the security agency were politically exposed; a euphemism for the neglect of
their professional duties while being steeped in corruption in the process of
doing the bidding of politicians.
It was
alleged then that at the height of their derailment, they were used to
prosecute the re-election agenda of the former President Goodluck Jonathan in
brazen violation of the rights of the citizens. Standing out of the alleged
excesses of the DSS then was its raid on the office of the All Progressives
Congress (APC) in Lagos .
In the reorganisation, the leaders of the operatives were relieved of their
jobs.
Thus, the citizens
expected that a new DSS would emerge in the Buhari era. They expected a DSS
that does its job professionally; operating with respect for the rights of the
citizens. But in less than two years, the citizens have come to the grim
realisation that this expectation is misplaced. This is because despite its
so-called transformation, the DSS has not changed its crude method of
operation.
One major area in which the DSS
has failed to show that it is now a different organisation is in the arrest of
suspects. It is puzzling why the DSS has demonstrated a proclivity for
nocturnal arrest. We would have thought the DSS would simply invite a citizen
to its office if he or she has questions to answer. It is only when the person
fails that the agency may raid his or her residence any time. But what we see
today is that the DSS arrests in the dead of the night people who would not
have resisted its summonses. In this regard, the DSS shot into infamy through
the nocturnal raid of judges. This method is fraught with many dangers. In the
case of the arrest of the judges in Rivers
State , the state governor
had to intervene. If there were no sufficient caution by both parties, there
would have been tragic consequences. The common reason given for such nocturnal
arrest is that it enables the DSS to secure incriminating evidence before it is
destroyed by suspects.
It is the same
nocturnal method of arrest that the DSS also tried to use against Apostle
Johnson Suleman. It was said that around 2:00 a.m. the DSS operatives raided
the hotel room of the preacher who was in Ekiti for a crusade. But the timely
intervention of Governor Ayodele Fayose saved him from being arrested. Still,
this arrest could have been tragic. The governor’s armed guards could have
confronted the DSS operatives. But thankfully, the DSS operatives fled when
they saw Fayose and his team.
Nigerians have many
reasons to resist nocturnal arrest by DSS operatives. For even if they identify
themselves as DSS operatives, their genuine identification may still be
doubted. After all, we live in a country where armed robbers in police or
military uniforms raid banks. Worse still, there have been kidnappings and
disappearance of people without being traced. In the case of Suleman, the DSS
later did what they failed to do initially. They invited him to their office.
Suleman honoured the invitation. At the end, he said that the operatives were
professional and they only had a “friendly chat” with him and released him. If
the issue could be resolved through a “friendly chat” why did the DSS massively
deploy to nocturnally arrest Suleman in his hotel?
The so-called “friendly chat” that
came after so much violent attempt to arrest Suleman does not help the image of
the DSS as a professional organisation. This is because there is the suspicion
that they were only “professional” because of the status of the cleric. If
those the DSS operatives want to arrest are not friends of a governor, they
would easily unleash violence on them. In the process, if the suspects are
killed, the operatives would lie that they resisted or that they were killed by
armed robbers or unknown persons. There is the suspicion that the DSS
operatives choose this nocturnal arrest when it does not have real evidence to
implicate a suspect. It is such nocturnal arrest that allegedly provides the
operatives the opportunity to plant evidence. After such a raid, they would
regale the public with tales of how dollars were found in septic tanks.
The DSS needs to be
re-orientated and professionalised. It must not continue to use its crude
method and still claim that it has undergone a reorganisation that has
depoliticised it. The impression the agency is giving the citizens is that
indeed it is not professional; it is only being used by politicians to
persecute their enemies. This is why while it is obsessed with branding some
people as the enemies of the state and arresting them, it ignores the urgent
imperative of taming the herdsmen who are wreaking havoc on communities in some
parts of the country. The DSS operatives have not arrested any Fulani herdsman suspected
to be responsible for the killings in southern Kaduna . Yet, they were quick to arrest
Suleman for expressing the need for self-defence in the midst of such wanton
attacks by the herdsmen. It is the same tendentious parochialism and
partisanship that have made the DSS not to have arrested those who kill fellow
citizens simply because they do not share their faith. The DSS must realise
that Nigerians are living in a democratic era when they set great store by
their freedom. It must wean itself off the illusion that it has returned to the
dark days when the citizens writhed under military jackboots. Is the DSS really
interested in security when it cannot obey court orders? Is it not the DSS that
has kept in its custody the leader of IPOB, Nnamdi Kanu, despite several court
orders granting him bail? Is the DSS not aware that it is inciting pro-Biafra
supporters by this flagrant disobedience of court orders?
It is sad that the DSS
has not realised that it is already faced with a credibility crisis. For its
handling of the Ibrahim Magu case and the president’s response have done so
much to erase whatever credibility the organisation has had. Or how does one
explain a situation where the DSS submitted a report to the Senate, the latter
used it to declare that Magu was corrupt and not fit to be the chairman of the
EFCC only for the president to say that the report was false? Instead of being
obsessed with nocturnal arrest, the DSS should be preoccupied with how to
surmount this threat to its credibility. For if it is convinced that its report
is genuine, it just has to make this clear to the public. But if its report is
false, those behind it have to be appropriately sanctioned.
This is where the
president has much to do with the credibility and professionalism of the DSS.
He did not need much explanation to convince the citizens that the report
against Magu was false. All he should simply have done to send this message was
to have sacked the Director-General of the DSS, Lawal Musa Daura, and
prosecuted him for his treachery against the presidency, the Senate and the
entire nation. But Buhari cannot do this because obviously, the excesses of the
DSS are perpetrated with his ready approval. But ultimately, it is the DSS that
would suffer. For just as Buhari dismantled the leadership of the organisation,
so a new president after him would scuttle the careers of those who are
complicit in the tragic flight of professionalism from the agency.
*Dr. Onomuakpokpo is on the Editorial Board of The Guardian
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