By Moses E. Ochonu
INEC has declared the recent Rivers State
rerun election inconclusive. How many inconclusive elections have we had under
the new INEC chairman? How about all of them? I am not sure you can do your job
so shoddily as many times as this rookie has and still get to keep said job,
but he is new so I guess he deserves to make his mistakes and learn from them.
*President Buhari and Rotimi Amaechi |
The conduct of the election aside, how did we
get to a point where elections become wars of egos?
By the way, why did Rotimi Amaechi, a federal
minister who was not running in the Rivers re-run election, relocate the perks,
might, and intimidating aura of his office to his home state for an entire week
for the election? Why the inflammatory, reckless statements designed to
provoke, undermine, and challenge the authority of his successor?
Why the personal abuse of Wike (“Wike can’t speak English”)? Why the
thuggish behavior on the part of a federal minister (“I will flood Port Harcourt
with soldiers”)? And why the bizarre boast about controlling the army, a
boast so embarrassing the army had to issue a statement to refute it? What
about the puerile demand for Wike’s resignation, among other comments
unbecoming of a minister of the federal republic?
Quite frankly, Amaechi reflects terribly on President
Muhammadu Buhari (PMB).
As for Nyesome Wike, well, Wike is Wike, a
street politician given to gutter-sniping and uncouth outbursts. But he is
governor and Amaechi should respect and accept that. Amaechi is already well
compensated for helping to finance Buhari's campaign. Two of his political
children have been appointed MDs of NIMASA and NDDC respectively, in addition
to his own appointment as minister of transportation. In politics as in life,
you cannot have it all.
It is political greed to insist on upending
Wike by installing your stooges in the state assembly and as Rivers State 's
legislative contingent in the national assembly. It's a petty, narcissistic
pursuit that is about personal ego and nothing more.
No wonder, even his former chief of staff, Tony
Okocha, an APC candidate who lost to his PDP opponent, has railed against
Amaechi's negative, counterproductive role in the election. He is right.
All politics is local, and if voters feel that
someone is leveraging the power derived from an external source to force a
particular political outcome locally, they often resist by voting in the other
direction.
*Gov Wike |
Several examples from Nigeria ’s
recent electoral history substantiate this point. Today, no governor,
objectively speaking, has done more than Rauf Aregbesola to ruin their state’s
finances, a reality dramatized recently when the state announced that its March
federal allocation came to a paltry 6 million Naira after numerous at-source
deductions to repay loans, bailouts, bonds, and other recklessly acquired and
largely wasted lines of credit. Nor did his poor financial stewardship start
today. It was well known at least three years ago, when he was loading the
state up with all manner of loans and obligations.
I hear from reliable sources that prior to his
reelection campaign, the state was already in dire financial straits and that
his political godfather, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, had already written Osun off as a
bad investment. Not only that; Aregbesola was, at the time of the election,
owing workers in the state several months salary. He was spectacularly
vulnerable. He was primed for defeat.
When then did he beat his opponent, Iyiola
Omisore, handily?
He triumphed simply by successfully making the
election about a gang-up of Omisore and the PDP federal appointees from the
state against a home-based APC underdog. He was the persecuted underdog in this
political narrative, but he was the one holding the line for Osun people
against the marauding might of the federal government. He curried sympathy by
casting the election as a federal PDP plot to takeover his state, a plot led by
people who had sold out, people who were not in tune with the political
dynamics of Osun and the greater Southwest zone.
He was able to mobilize the people of Osun
against this purported conspiracy to use federal might to engineer a particular
electoral outcome. In the process, the election became less a referendum on his
poor stewardship and more of a battle for the soul and sovereignty of Osun. The
Osun people set aside their suffering under Aregbesola and reelected him to
spite Omisore and the State’s PDP federal delegation and their purported
sponsors in Abuja .
*Rauf Aregbesola |
In Benue
State , the recent victory
of Senator David Mark in a rerun election offers another proof of this
political phenomenon. The APC routed the PDP in the last general election,
David Mark’s Zone C Benue South senatorial constituency being the only PDP
holdout.
After the appeals court nullified Mark’s
victory and in the lead up to the ordered rerun, Mark’s opponent, Daniel Onjeh
seemed to have the support of the federal government, the state’s APC
delegation to the national assembly, and its representative on the federal
cabinet. The APC governor and all state officials similarly supported Daniel
Onjeh. They made an irritatingly public show of this gang-up and jinxed it for
Onjeh. David Mark, who is now in his fifth term as senator, should have been
easy picking for the younger, charismatic and well-funded Onjeh.
The people of Benue South senatorial district
were uncomfortable with Onjeh’s embrace of powerful “external” supporters.
Onjeh seemed like a candidate propped up by forces external to the
constituency. Pronouncements by some of Onjeh’s supporters from other zones of
the state didn’t help matters. It seemed like a gang-up of external forces
against David Mark, a forceful take-over with Onjeh as its face. This
perception drew undeserved sympathy and support to the former senate president.
The savvy politician that he is, Mark stoked
the perception that Onjeh was a carpetbagger, an instrument of external forces
seeking to coopt the senatorial zone into the APC state and federal political
family. He came up with a political message and slogan to encapsulate this
portrayal of himself and his electoral fate as the bulwark against these
external usurpers. He was the only thing standing between the people of the
zone and their enemies who wanted to subvert their will and install a stooge,
he and his supporters claimed.
His campaign was called “operation homeland
defense.” It worked for the wily senator. People voted for him not because they
were enamored with him but because they saw a vote for him as their chance to
resist the perceived forceful APC takeover.
When people decide to make a switch from one
party to another, they want it to be on their own terms, driven by local
dynamics and local forces. They usually do not want it imposed or engineered
from the outside — whatever or wherever that outside is.
That is what seems to have happened to Amaechi
and his candidates in Rivers
State .
Amaechi should have stayed away to do his job
in Abuja as his
protege Okocha said. By storming Rivers with an intimidating arsenal of federal
personnel, he played right into the percolating local narrative of him being
the instrument of a plot by the ruling APC to take control of Rivers State .
Wike and his candidates cast themselves as victims of this plot. They became
accidental beneficiaries of a perception stoked by the uncultured intrusions
and conducts of Mr. Amaechi.
*The author can be reached at meochonu@gmail.com
beautiful
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