By Tonnie Iredia
With the recent decision of the Supreme Court granting financial autonomy to local governments in Nigeria, the latter now presumably receive their share of the monthly federal allocation directly unlike the previous practice of such funds getting to them through their respective state governments.
By Luka Danboyi
The self-immolating tendency for people to be indifferent to situations in which they are not directly involved seems to be playing out in the debacle in Rivers State. Curiously, there are people who are enjoying the political drama between Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his predecessor-cum-godfather, Nyesom Wike, Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, FCT.
There is no question that the vast majority of Nigerians are inured to the shenanigans of a disoriented political elite that hardly reckons with the plight of the people. Only such a situation would produce the present economic nightmare afflicting a country so richly endowed that, less than 50 years ago, other countries were visiting to understudy its impressive developmental effort and to borrow ‘seeds’ for their agricultural revolution.
By Tonnie Iredia
After twenty-five years of unbroken civilian governments in Nigeria, one can easily imagine that the country is getting settled as a democracy. But whereas a civilian government rather than a military regime is more likely to be democratic, civilian rule in Nigeria and indeed in several parts of Africa are far from adhering to democratic practices.
In truth, what obtains in many African countries is authoritarian democracy. The causative factors are many. Poorly organized political parties, prevalent poverty, commercialized politics, election rigging and the tendency for those in power to decimate opponents so as to remain in power perpetually.
By Chidi Odinkalu
On a Friday in July 2005, Bayo Ojo, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, SAN, quietly absconded from work in an office in Victoria Island, Lagos, from where he functioned then as the president of the Nigerian Bar Association, NBA. The next working day, a Monday, he turned up in Abuja as President Olusegun Obasanjo’s fourth Attorney-General in five years.
Less than three months after assuming office as Attorney-General of the Federation, on October 6, 2005, Mr. Ojo filed a five-count charge before the Federal High Court against Alhaji Mujahid Asari Dokubo, at the time the self-proclaimed leader of the Niger Delta Peoples’ Volunteer Force, NDPVF. Asari was also a leading member of the Pro-National Conference Organisation, PRONACO. The crimes charged included two counts of treasonable felony, two counts of running an unlawful society, and one count of publishing “a rumour…. which is likely to cause fear and alarm”.
By Ochereome Nnanna
Even before what became the All Progressives Congress, APC, was formed, I knew it would be a disaster. I prayed for the merger not to work. But my prayers were not answered. The merger not only worked, the party won the 2015 presidential election with Muhammadu Buhari as president. Buhari’s presidency, according to the APC pact, was to be succeeded by a Bola Ahmed Tinubu presidency. When Buhari was about to finish his eight years of inept and extreme nepotism rule, he tried to block Tinubu’s turn to “rule”.
Tinubu went to Abeokuta and wailed: Yoruba l’okan( “It is Yoruba’s turn”); Emi l’okan!(“It is my turn”). When Buhari saw that the Northern APC Governors were all for Tinubu, he had no choice but to bring out his full powers of incumbency to install his political partner. You may ask: why would I, a columnist of 29 years standing, discredit a political party, the APC, even before it was formed? My answer is simple.
By Olu Fasan
Once upon a time, a political party bestrode Nigerian politics like a colossus. It governed Nigeria for 16 years and vowed to rule for 60. But it’s utter hubris. Buffeted from crisis to crisis, a deep rot set in, then an existential decline. Charles Darwin famously said that any organism that cannot adjust to its environment will become extinct. In the struggle for existence, it’s survival of the fittest; only the strong organisms will continue to exist, the weak will succumb to extinction. That’s the story of the Peoples Democratic Party!
In truth, PDP is not dead, not extinct; it’s still alive, albeit on life support. Thus, it’s more appropriate to say that PDP is dying, that it’s on a deathbed. The undertakers and political vultures are circling, and whether the party can survive, whether it can escape extinction, depends on how it handles Nyesom Wike and his gang of renegades.
By Jideofor Adibe
The Friday, May 26, 2023 Supreme Court’s dismissal of the appeal by the Peoples Democratic Party seeking the disqualification of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu in the February 25, 2023 presidential election over alleged double nomination of his Vice-President Senator Kashim Shettima, essentially removed the last hurdle to his inauguration on May 29, 2023.
This means in essence that those who cannot bear the thought of Tinubu and Shettima as President and Vice President respectively will have to find a way of adjusting to the reality that they will be stuck with the duo till August this year (at the earliest) when the Supreme Court is expected to rule on the challenges to the INEC-declared outcome of the election. We are of course assuming that there will be no other unforeseen variable in-between.
By Obiotika Toochukwu
When you are weak, when there is no power, when you are poor, in the time of sorrow, war and when you are not certain of what will happen next; then you are helpless. This is the condition of Nigerians after the flawed February 25 Presidential elections in the country. At the moment, everyone looks up to the judiciary which in recent times has become the last hope of political moneybags.
When the mockery; “Go to Court” became over-flogged, Nigerians knew that there is not any hope in the Nigerian courts. If there is any government that downplayed the judiciary and flagrantly disobeyed court orders, it is the present APC-led government of Muhammadu Buhari. This is the reason Nigerians are deeply religious, and they focus more on prayers or what God would miraculously do for them.
By Kenechukwu Obiezu
If Nigerian politics had a single currency, language, sign language, or definition, it would be money. But very close to it would be the concepts of betrayal and opportunism.
To preclude political opportunism and fry the chances of its elite practitioners in Nigeria, the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria makes salubrious provisions to arrest the vice of cross-carpeting. However, with many of the politicians who have engaged in it over the years getting away with it, it appears that judicial interpretation and enforcement have failed to stop the scourge.
By Ugo Onuoha
On Thursday, February 9, South Africa’s embattled President, Cyril Ramaphosa, went to the country’s Parliament, braced heckling by the militant opposition Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) political party to declare that the country was in a ‘“national state of disaster.” So, what was the problem with that Southern African country? They have been grappling with energy, particularly electricity, supply crisis for about two years. Yes, two years.
The country has been experiencing
load-shedding, read, power outages, where some consumers experience blackouts
for up to 12 hours in a day. A mere 12 hours.
Last year, the country’s economic growth fell to 2.5%. This year, the projection is that it would shrink to 0.3%, the declines essentially boil down to South Africa’s electricity crisis. In parliament, Ramaphosa told South Africans: “We are, therefore, declaring a national state of disaster to respond to the electricity crisis and its effects.”
By Promise Adiele
Is destiny real? Can it be changed? Call it fate or predestination – destiny bulks bigger in the heuristic realm where humanity feebly exudes confidence and power. Many people understand it as the inevitable outcome of human endeavour within the context of existential ordering. Man’s plurimental consciousness provides an escape when his self-absolutism collapses at the altar of his numerous foibles.
Blame is never far away from failed destiny. When failure happens, we say destiny has failed. When life succeeds, we say destiny has succeeded. The argument becomes a witness. However, ascertaining a true destiny is difficult. In Sophocles’ King Oedipus, was it Jocasta’s destiny that her son would marry her and have four children with her? Could she have stopped the odious destiny?
By Amanze Obi
Atiku Abubakar’s announcement in Asaba, Delta State, last week that their son, Ifeanyi Okowa, would succeed him, should he become the President of Nigeria in 2023, says a lot about the delicate and intricate balancing that Atiku is dealing with. The man is working hard to penetrate the Igbo nation from either the east or the west.
It all began in Enugu some weeks earlier when Atiku told a gathering of southeasterners that he would ensure that they take their turn at the presidency, if they support him to become President in 2023. With these pronouncements, Atiku surely knows what the Igbo want. They are hungry for the presidency and Atiku is dangling the carrot at them at every turn. He wants them to see him as the vehicle that will take them to Damascus.
By Angela Agoawike
The use of biographies for election campaigns date back
decades.
Sometimes written in a hurry, a campaign biography gives highlights of the candidate’s life, introduces him to the voting public and so doing, gives an insight into his aspiration to the highest office in the land.
The importance of a presidential campaign ‘biography’ is
underlined by among others, the setting up of libraries to look for such books
and store them for posterity, just like the Clarke Library of the Central
Michigan University in the USA has done since the early 1960s.
Many politicians, such as former American President Jimmy Carter released campaign biographies. As a little-known governor of the American State of Georgia, Why Not The Best? was published in 1976, during his quest for the American presidency. It was his introduction to Americans beyond Georgia.
By Ayo Oyoze Baje
The newspaper headlines are haunting, heart-jerking, painting a horrifying spectacle of the preventable pains of the long-suffering Nigerians, still stewing in the paradox of want -of refined premium motor spirit (pms)- in the midst of plenty natural deposit of crude oil resource.
If in doubt, consider some of them: ‘Petrol scarcity bites harder in Abuja, Oyo, Yobe’(-2nd March, 2021). ‘Commuters groan as fuel scarcity bites harder’ (24th Nov., 2022). ‘Fuel scarcity bites harder, cripples socio-economic activities in Kebbi (18th December, 2022). ‘Commuters trek, motorists sleep at filling stations as petrol scarcity bites harder’ (23rd January, 2023).
By Luke Onyekakeyah
Looking at the way things are going on in the run up to the 2023 general elections, it is abundantly clear that the 2023 general elections presents Nigeria with what could be the last chance, the last opportunity to save the country. It is now or never, going by the precarious situation the country is facing. This consciousness should pervade the whole nation.
Unfortunately, the professional politicians who have contributed in making the country a laughing stock, obviously, don’t seem to have learnt any lesson from the failures of the past or the abhorable state of affairs in Nigeria. All the fears and apprehension about a possible collapse of a ruined country do not resonate among the rich ruling class. Can 2023 bring remedy?
By Andy Ezeani
The full story of how Godwin Emefiele almost abandoned his prime position as governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria to join the giddy race for President of Nigeria via the overloaded rough vehicle of the All Progressives Congress (APC) is yet to be told.
Was he nudged on into a caper and conned along the way? Or was the adventure a true expression of his ambition and spirit of adventure? Whichever one it was, does not really matter. The man is an adult and therefore, takes responsibility for his decisions and actions. In this case, it was his choice to try the APC gamble. For good measures, he gathered the whooping N100miliion purchase of form fee that he threw into the unforgiving APC machine that never returned any money that entered its vaults.
By Andy Ezeani
The exit of the military from political administration of Nigeria in 1999 and the attendant restoration of democratic order was expected to engender the ethos of civil contention of ideas and liberal disposition in the political space. These, after all, are the hallmark of democracy, the antithesis of the command structure of the military that had gone.
By Chidi Odinkalu
Politics in Nigeria is largely of the transhumant variety. It is not defined by any big ideas. With the exception of perhaps the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Nigerian politicians have been largely devoid of clear ideological moorings.
Freed as such from the forces of ideological gravity, the only impetus that they respond to for the most part is from the stomach. Gravity in Nigerian politics tends to be a force defined by the imperative of human grazing.
An opposition may be essential for democracy to thrive but no Nigerian politician or party wants to linger in that neighbourhood. In power for 16 years at the centre, the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, has been an abject failure since it went into opposition in 2015, unable to articulate any alternatives to the unmitigated disaster that has been the government of the All Progressives Congress, APC. Both parties are separated by a revolving door.
By Rotimi Fasan
The question of how age may have slowed down the physical and mental abilities of Bola Tinubu, the All Progressive Congress, APC, presidential candidate, rendering his claim to the presidency an untenable proposition, has continued to generate debates among Nigerians.
*Tinubu
While he has responded that he is both mentally and physically fit to take up the task of steering the ship of the Nigerian state as president, he has also not been slow to remind his critics that the presidency is neither about brawn nor is it a contest to choose the strongest man in the world.
By Charles Okoh
The greatest disservice any man can do to himself is to deliberately deceive himself; thinking he is fooling others. Many years ago, the then chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the late Chief Vincent Ogbulafor, woke up one morning, perhaps filled with an overdose of self-worth and having overrated his party, concluded that the PDP would rule for the next 60 years.
Nothing else could have prompted this outburst, other than the fact that he would probably have been too convinced that his behemoth party, the self-styled biggest party on the continent, was doing very well, so much so that it would remain in office for as long as it wished. Well, he and his party members were well alive to realize the tomfoolery in trying to play god or not taking appropriate assessment of the party’s significance, relevance and true worth.
