By Emmanuel Onwubiko
''Were it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers, or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter'' --Thomas Jefferson.
''Our liberty depends on the freedom of the press, and that cannot be limited without being lost''
--Thomas Jefferson.
The history of President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration won’t certainly be complete without a detailed mention of his contrived but well sustained war against media freedoms. The cantankerous relationship between the Present federal administration in Nigeria with the media is a direct reflection of the kind of opaque government that is in place which substantially is devoid of transparency, accountability and integrity.
But this situation is diametrically opposed to what should be expected from a nation that has consistently practiced constitutional democracy for well over twenty years at a stretch after about four decades of military subjugation of the democratic forces under the whims and caprices of the barrels of the guns.
Media scholars in the United States of America affirmed
categorically in a recent scholarly book that “the main arguments against the
notion that the media reflect the already existing norms, values, and realities
of society are that the media construct and change events rather than just
reflect them. Think about events that happen in real world but that are also
presented extensively in the media-events such as Princess Diana’s Funeral, the
Academy Awards ceremony, and sports events such as the Olympic Games, the World
Cup, and the Melbourne Cup. These events happen independently of the media
events, constructing rather than just reflecting them (Wark 1994).
The Melbourne Cup is an Australian horse race that is celebrated nationally (and more recently, internationally, thanks to worldwide media coverage) as ‘the race that stops a nation.’ It is presented in the present tense, as though it has always and will always be true. Historically, the race dates back only to the nineteenth century but, more importantly, stopping the nation only became a real possibility once media communication could transmit this event live across the nation, through the telegraph, then radio, then television.
At this point the media allow the possibility of a simultaneously
shared, national event (the significance of the Melbourne Cup relates to
Australia’s search for national identity). Events that bring the nation
together into what cultural analyst Benedict Anderson (1983) calls an imagined
community’ help Australians to define themselves and their culture. One
national character aspect celebrated in the case of the Melbourne Cup is the
triumph of leisure over work and the pleasure of gambling. We can think of few
other countries that make a horse race such a significant national event.
The media hype up the significance of such events. Newspapers, radio, and television networks start reporting and speculating on the Melbourne Cup several weeks in advance. (It fits neatly into the annual sports calendar by coming in early November after the Australian football and rugby seasons has ended, and before the cricket, tennis, and other summer sports seasons are fully under way, so there is plenty of media space available for it.)
It becomes
a feature on non-sports media programs, a major news event, so that, for
example, ABC Radio National news programs actually broadcast from the race
meeting. The speculation about who will win is linked to gambling and
commercialism; participation in the event means being involved in some form of
a bet.
Two points the writers observed emerge from this media event
thus 1. Stopping the nation is only possible via the media,
so we can say that the media construct this event rather than reflect it.
2. If you are a regular media consumer, you
should ‘naturally’ be interested in this event, particularly if you identify
yourself as Australian. Indeed, the media suggest that not being interested in
the race would mean being UN Australian. (Media & Society (fourth edition)
by Michael O’shaughnessy & Jane Stadler).
From these few lines what have emerged clearly is that the media
do not just set agenda for the citizens but the media deliberately conveys
information in such a way as to educate, inform and entertain the
citizens and to portray events of significance into social symbols for the
whole of the nation. However, from the crude encounters the media practitioners
have had in the hands of some reactionary forces embedded within the
government, what these manifestations of media repressive practices show in
Nigeria under President Muhammadu Buhari is that the political class are really
and truly not ideologically driven.
I just recently picked up a well written book on political
parties in divided nations and I will drop just a little citation to
demonstrate the link between the fear of media freedoms, and the attack against
liberal exercise of the fundamental human rights to freedom of expression and
association to the weak structures under which the existing political
formations evolved.
In the new democracies that have emerged across the globe since
the beginning of what Huntington has called the “Third Wave” of
democratization -whether in Southern or East-Central Europe or else- where in
the world- parties often either did not exist or were heavily controlled prior
to the regime changes and, therefore, effectively had to be built from scratch,
the author who would be named after the citation is completed, stressed.
Continuing, the author said that Party membership in these
countries remains relatively low and, with a few exceptions, the levels of
electoral participation have been declining, especially in comparison with the
early phases of democratization.
In the context of a relatively weakly developed civil society,
the author argues, political parties tend to lack strong links with their
constituencies. Even in cases where they had initially espoused strong
grassroots mobilization as part of their liberation struggle, parties such as
the ANC in South Africa, ZANU-PF in Zimbabwe, SWAPO in Namibia or FRELIMO in
Mozambique eventually turned their attention elsewhere as they became absorbed
in the life of the institutions. (see the book titled, ‘Political Parties in
Conflict-Prone Societies Regulation, Engineering and Democratic Development’,
Edited By Benjamin Reilly and Per Nordlund).
If there is anything the President Muhammadu Buhari’s
administration would be remembered for many years to come if the ethically
challenged country remains, is the strong aversion and hatred it has for media
freedom, free speech and freedom of association.
The government has in over the last seven years being
preoccupied with sinister plots after plots on ways to muzzle media freedoms.
Although the president is a former military despot known for some draconian
anti media decrees such as the Decree 4 of the 1984 under which some
Journalists were convicted without proper trials and confined to underground
dungeons for years until that brutal dictatorship of the early 80s was overthrown
in a ‘place coup’.
But notwithstanding the past profile of Muhammadu Buhari during
the military Junta, his Campaigners who wanted voters to trust him in 2015 told
Nigerians that his past aversion for media freedom was in the past particularly
when he and a few of his party officials were constantly embarking on civil
protests against what the then opposition party considered to be policies that
did not favour democratic practices.
About seven years down the line after voters elected this
erstwhile military ruler as a civilian President Muhammadu Buhari has
manifested his innate intolerance of media freedoms and free speech.
His government has done everything under the sun to smuggle in
legislations that would curtail media freedoms but each time these
retrogressive legislations are tendered before the National Assembly, Nigerians
have had to fight so hard to get the bad pieces of legislation discarded.
There is also the tendency within the administration to classify
any dissenting opinions as a rebellion just as the officials are known to be in
mortal fear of freedom of speech.
President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration is known to have
supervised the killings by police of dozens of peaceful protesters including
the diabolical handling of the nation-wide protests in 2020 against police
brutality in which time unruly soldiers shot directly at protesters in Lagos
killing and maiming many peaceful protesters. Many journalists covering
protests have also been killed by the police.
Besides, the Department of state services operatives have on
many occasions been used to disperse protests and they are known to have made a
lot of arrests just so that dissenting voices opposed to that of the Central
government are drowned.
In the last one year, the nation has come under ferocious
attacks by series of armed non-state actors, terrorists, herdsmen kidnappers
and mass killers. These terrorists have always killed thousands since the last
ten years but they are emboldened by the weak approach to the counter terror war
of President Muhammadu Buhari. Remember, when he was the opposition leader he
had criticised the then government of President Goodluck Jonathan of decimating
the terrorists and degrading their capacity to attack soft targets because the
then opposition leader Muhammadu Buhari said Boko Haram terrorists are Muslims.
The breakdown of law and order all across Nigeria has assumed
disturbing dimension just as prisons are been broken into and thousands of
prisoners including terrorists have escaped without trace.
The other day, terrorists invaded Abuja and attacked Kuje Prison
freeing over 600 prisoners including some of the top commanders of terrorists.
In the area of economy, there is no gain saying that inflation
and costs of living have ballooned out of control just as youth joblessness is
at the highest peak.
Also public sector corruption has spiked even as organized
crimes have become phenomenal thereby exposing the incapacity of President
Buhari to discharge his duty. I will lift just a few line from a very recent
editorial of PUNCH newspaper on the crass incompetence of President
Muhammadu Buhari in handling terrorists and kidnappers.
The revelation by the President, Major General Muhammadu Buhari
(retd.), says PUNCH, that the Abuja–Kaduna train kidnappers failed to
release all their remaining victims as agreed reinforces the argument against
paying ransom to, or making deals with criminals. It also highlights the need
for the government to adopt an inflexible posture against terrorists, rescue
all kidnap victims, neutralise, and punish the perpetrators.
Kidnappers operating under the tag of “bandits” and other
terrorist groups have created a monstrous multibillion-naira business. One
newspaper calculated that so far, the train kidnappers had realised at least N2
billion in ransom payment from the 47 persons they had released as of August
20. Twenty-three others remain in their captivity.
Regrettably, the government demonstrates helplessness amid the
epidemic of abductions for ransom across the country. It should devise a new
approach to secure the release of the 23 persons still being held after 150
days by August 25 and other kidnap victims. Buhari and the security agencies
can do better; the abductees are on Nigerian soil, not in a foreign land.
It is so tragic that Nigeria has such an incompetent President
that is being reported that at a meeting with the relatives of the kidnapped
victims of the Abuja-Kaduna train attack, the President lamented the failure of
the kidnappers to honour their promise to release the victims after government
had released their (bandits’) relatives. A presidential spokesman, Garba Shehu,
said, “The government also released seven children of the members of the
terrorist gangs, as demanded, but they reneged in releasing the train passengers.”
This is very discomfiting. Only in a failed state is a government reduced to
such pitiable position. Serious governments avoid negotiating with terrorists.
Amidst this cacophony of failures calls have been made for
President Buhari who is grossly incompetent to resign honourably or be
impeached. The Senate of the Federal Republic that has remained subservient to
executive manipulations of the office of president Buhari, got so frustrated
and is afraid that terrorists could take over Nigeria and majority moved to
impeach the President. However the Senate President who is a lackey of
president Buhari decided to suspend the doomsday scenario for the non-performing
president. Spokesperson of president Buhari who is so crude jeered at the
senators for threatening to impeach the president.
And because these boot lickers are beneficiaries of the failed
system, they are absolutely intolerant of any call for the impeachment of
President Buhari.
The Guardian is one
of the most fearless media outfits. It has just called for the impeachment of
president Buhari and gave sound reasons.
The Guardian was instantly attacked for speaking truth to power.
This time around, Garba Shehu was the spokesman that attacked the position of
The Guardian.
But what The Guardian published is what even
a two year old infant is asking for impeachment of the most incompetent
president that Nigeria has ever had.
In the editorial of August 22nd 2022 The Guardian said: All
social malaise erstwhile alien to the old general – terrorism, banditry,
kidnappings, daylight robbery, infiltrations and sabotage of security agencies,
oil thieving cartels, corruption, economic free-fall, widespread inefficiency, administrative
ineptitude – are riding roughshod over Buhari’s government.
Not only is he seemingly incompetent to fix the challenges, but
he appears also to have given up trying. It is therefore a no-brainer that a
group of lawmakers did call for his impeachment. In reality, the pushback is
roundly justified.
Globally, modern governments have twin primary responsibilities
– security and welfare of the citizenry. No administration that fails in these
constitutional remits can be adjudged credible, deserving of the peoples’
mandate or another day in office. It is based on that standard that Muhammadu
Buhari was elected into office in 2015 as a rebuke for the failings of
incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan.
Buhari and his ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) promised
so much in the areas of security, economy and anti-corruption in pre-2015
electioneering campaigns. Yet, it delivered so little in the last seven years
of gross incompetency, nepotism and culpable negligence.
Across the board, the wreckage piles to the high heaven,
especially in the area of security, economy and anti-corruption fight that
Buhari curiously scored his administration higher than the actual realities.
As a General in the Nigerian Army and a former Head of State,
the choice of Buhari for a country ravaged by insecurity in the pre-2015
elections was only logical. He was expected to revamp and rally the troops as
an experienced commander turned Commander-in-Chief and to end the crises
forthwith.
Rather than stem the tide, insecurity blew out of proportion
dovetailing into banditry, ISWAP-led terrorism, kidnappings and killings by
ragtag criminals that Buhari’s administration for so long refused to pronounce
terrorists. Today, they are nationwide, masterminding jail breaks, high-profile
kidnappings and threatening to hold Mr President hostage someday!
Clearly, the very embarrassing situation is not for lack of
funding for the war against insecurity. In fact, since he came onboard in May
2015, security has routinely raked in a huge chunk of the yearly appropriation
budget.
In the first six cycle budgets, security and defence gulped a
total of N12 trillion, in addition to N2.41 trillion proposed for 2022. The end
result is terrorists declaring war on the country and controlling a swath of
territories. Nigerians became unsafe at home, schools, roads, rail and worship
centres.
The Presidency, came hard on The Guardian newspaper
over its editorials, which evaluate President Muhammadu Buhari’s leadership
style, particularly its call for impeachment of the President over failure in
governance generally.
The Presidency pointedly accused the nation’s flagship medium of
alignment with the opposition to deploy what it describes as ‘partisan weapons
in their arsenal’ to facilitate the removal of President Buhari.
In a statement signed by its Senior Special Assistant on Media
and Publicity, Garba Shehu, the Presidency also accused the newspaper of
embarking on a “headline grabbing stunt just months before Nigeria’s next
presidential election.”
The statement made available to newsmen last night reads: “The
Guardian newspaper, which has taken up the role of regular antagonist
and political opponent of the President and his party, APC for a long time now,
has surpassed itself with its latest call for the impeachment of the President.
“The newspaper editors clearly do not like the way the President
is running the country and therefore, they believe he should be impeached. They
debase both the political discourse of our nation and public understanding of
the law and Constitution by doing so.
“Impeachment is a process undertaken after high crimes and
misdemeanours have been proven. It’s not a process undertaken against a leader
whose politics you do not agree with, or who you personally dislike.
“It appears impeachment has become a newly added partisan weapon
in their arsenal – wielded by those who have established a track record of
hatred towards the President and an attempt to remove from office one who was
democratically elected by the people.
“In a recent editorial published in the Washington Times, the
American political leader and commentator, Saul Anuzis, stated: ‘There are
exceptional circumstances when presidents and other office holders deserved to
be impeached… slam-dunk cases of malfeasance in the highest office.
“Referencing attempts to call an impeachment vote in the
Nigerian Senate a ‘headline-grabbing stunt,’ Anuzis observed: ‘It is no
coincidence this occurs just months before Nigeria’s next presidential
election.’
“The fact is, it should be for presidents to govern and for
opposition politicians and the media to hold them to account. The circumstances
of his election in 2015 – the first time a sitting president had been defeated
in a re-election attempt and the first time any party, save the PDP had won the
presidency – was a vast shock to Nigeria’s political and sections of the media
establishments. As far as they were concerned, it was not how things were meant
to be.
“So, from day one, they set about attacking this President more
than any other in Nigeria’s history. The fact they could not defeat him at the
ballot box when he was re-elected in 2019 – and now with his APC party very
likely to retain the presidency despite all their best efforts – they now turn
to all and any means, no matter the political, legal, or constitutional
consequences to bring him down.
“For the benefit of the ones who have forgotten, The
Guardian newspaper has in the past, been worshipped as the flagship of
the nation’s press; the one that had won every ‘Newspaper of the Year’ awards.
Now, they have sadly fallen from the height it once occupied as a medium that
sparked intellectual thought and discourse for a fiddler of poorly scripted
invective and ad hominem.
“The Guardian newspaper may never be friend or ally of President
Buhari, but they should know better than to support this ‘headline-grabbing
stunt.’
Garba Shehu needs to be told that the highest manifestations of
misdemeanours are one, his (Muhammadu Buhari’s) unwillingness to combat
terrorists of the Fulani Ethnic stock under the aegis of Miyetti Allah cattle
owners association who are known to be sponsors of most of the mass killings
targeting farmers but rather than arrest and prosecute these mass murderers
that have killed thousands of farmers in Benue, Southern Kaduna and Plateau
State, President Muhammadu Buhari pampers them. Fulani terrorists killing
Hausas in Zamfara are being pampered. Terrorists are released under nebulous
arrangements that they are repentant which violates the constitution. Building
railway in Niger Republic using external loan from China to be
repaid by Nigeria is a high treason. Donating Vehicles of SUV genre
worth over a billion naira without appropriation is a high crime. Donating a
million dollars of taxpayers money to the terrorists led regime in Afghanistan
is a crime against the constitution because that was not captured in the lawful
budget of the country Nigeria. Failing to stop mass killings, kidnappings of
civilians by terrorists who are pampered by government is a
crime against the constitution.
These are all crimes that directly dovetail into high crimes that
are impeachable offences. Under the nose of President Muhammadu Buhari, the
terrorists that shut down military jet in Zamfara are being pampered and the
President is building infrastructures in Niger Republic without
Appropriation. What other crimes are worst than these? Why does Garba
Shehu think a paid media columnist in USA knows our pains here in Nigeria more
than us who practice journalism in Nigeria?
Why does he Garba Shehu thinks the opinion of that American
media consultant paid probably by government of President Muhammadu Buhari to
write favourable commentary is much more important than the popular opinion of
Nigerians who are the victims of the gross incompetence of the government of
President Muhammadu Buhari who has even confessed that he is tired?
*Emmanuel Onwubiko is head of the HUMAN RIGHTS
WRITERS ASSOCIATION OF NIGERIA (HURIWA) and one time National commissioner of
the NATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION OF NIGERIA.
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