While the nature of power in itself involves contestation, the
idea that it must always be taken and not given is not true. In Nigeria, power
has always been served a la carte since independence in 1960.
When Shehu Shagari became president on October 1, 1979, he did
not take power, it was given to him because his ambition was to become a
senator before he was handed the presidential ticket of the National Party of
Nigeria, NPN, at the party’s national convention held at the Casino Cinema,
Yaba, on December 12, 1978.
Having been adopted by the Northern political establishment, he
easily defeated other more flamboyant, wealthier and politically-astute
aspirants like Maitama Sule, Adamu Ciroma, Dr. Olusola Saraki, Joseph Tarka and
Professor Muhammed Iyi Abubakar in the primaries. He became Nigeria’s first executive
president on a platter of group endorsement, and in spite of himself, having
been served power a la carte.
Olusegun Obasanjo was in prison when the Peoples Democratic
Party, PDP, was founded in August 1998 by former Vice President, Dr. Alex
Ekwueme, and other members of the G-34. Yet, in deciding who the party’s
presidential candidate would be, Ekwueme, who rallied round the most potent
opposition against General Sani Abacha’s transmutation agenda was by-passed for
a reluctant Obasanjo. He was served power a la carte.
The late President Umaru Yar’Adua wanted to return to Ahmadu
Bello University as a lecturer after his eight-year tour of duty in Katsina
State as governor. He neither had the gumption, war-chest nor even the national
name recognition to propel him to Aso Rock. Yet, he became president without
any struggle. Simply put, he was handed the presidency on a platter of
Obasanjo’s whims.
President Muhammadu Buhari, who had run on his own steam three
times, only made it to Aso Rock when most Northerners felt that President
Goodluck Jonathan’s quest for a second term was not only greed for power taken
too far but an unpardonable breach of the rotation principle which favoured the
North at the time.
Even members of the PDP from the North, including the then
National Chairman, Adamu Mu`azu, worked against Jonathan. In Bauchi State,
where Mu’azu was governor for eight years, PDP lost the 2015 presidential
election to APC, scoring only 86,085 votes, a paltry 8.4 per cent as against
931,598 polled by APC.
Even during the military era, power was served a la carte to
Yakubu Gowon after the bloody July 29, 1966 counter-coup by Northern military
officers. He didn’t struggle to become Head of State.
The junior officers who overthrew Gowon in a palace coup d’état on
July 29, 1975 handed power over to General Murtala Muhammed. General Joseph
Garba, one of the architects of the coup who later became Minister of External
Affairs, narrated how Murtala even gave them conditions for accepting the
offer.
When Murtala was assassinated on February 13, 1976, reports had
it that General Olusegun Obasanjo, his second in command, was reluctant
stepping into his shoes. Rather than struggle for power, he was persuaded. So,
why will it be different now simply because there is clamour for a Nigerian
president of Igbo extraction?
Yakasai talked about Ndigbo building bridges. Isn’t that what
they have been doing even before the idea of Nigeria became a reality? There is
hardly any Igbo leader of the old generation that was born in the South-East.
Both Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu were
born in Zungeru, a town in Niger State, which was the capital of the British
protectorate of Northern Nigeria from 1902 until 1916.
Presently, there is no community in Nigeria’s 774 local
governments, no matter how remote, that you won’t find a resident Igbo. So, why
is the bar being raised so high simply because Ndigbo are laying a claim to the
national political diadem?
Before now, the question has been: where are the Igbo candidates?
Now that some Igbo aspirants, including Mazi Sam Ohuabunwa, a renowned
pharmacist, founder and former CEO of Neimeth Pharmaceutical, former president
of the Pharmaceutical Society of Nigeria, foundation president of the West
African Pharmaceutical Manufacturers Association, former Chairman of the
Nigerian Economic Summit Group and Manufacturers Association of Nigeria; and
Senator Anyim Pius Anyim, a lawyer, who became Senate president at the young
age of 39, and also served as Secretary to the Government of the Federation,
SGF, have raised their hands to be counted, the story is changing.
Suddenly, zoning of political offices has become a taboo to some
political actors. Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who obviously wants to
run again for the presidency in 2023, is now repudiating the PDP zoning
principle.
Speaking at the 94th National Executive Committee, NEC, meeting
of the PDP on Thursday, October 7, Atiku urged the party to be guided by the
spirit of fairness and equity rather than zoning in determining the
presidential candidate.
“Where the President comes from has never been the problem of
Nigeria. It will not be the solution to the problems of Nigeria. There is no
such thing as a president from Southern Nigeria or a president from Northern
Nigeria.
There is only one president, a President of Nigeria, for Nigeria
and by Nigerians,” he said. On the face value, there is nothing wrong with his
position. But juxtapose it with his stance on the same issue at the 2011 PDP
Convention when he squared against Jonathan, the hypocrisy jumps out.
Hear him then: “The founders of this party, in their wisdom,
devised rules for the rotation of power between North and South in response to
cries of marginalisation and domination. We wanted peace and justice to reign.
And we put it in our Constitution (Section 7.2.c), and we all know what a
Constitution means.
“That provision has not been altered. In 2002, an expanded
caucus of our great party met and reaffirmed that policy…. I have always put
Nigeria first before my personal interests and ambitions.”
So, what has changed? If rotation of power between North and
South was desirable in 2011, what makes it undesirable in 2023? Truth be told,
equity, fairness and social justice demands a Nigerian president of South-East
extraction in 2023.
In which case, after eight years of a Muhammadu Buhari
presidency, power should gravitate to the South. And it will be unconscionable
for the South-West that has held the presidency and vice presidency for 16
solid years in a period of 24 years or the South-South that was there for five
years to deny Ndigbo the opportunity.
But even if the only criterion for determining who becomes
president in 2023 is competence, South-East has a glut of competent people.
Fortunately, all those who have declared interest so far are not running
because they are Igbo, but because they are competent, knowledgeable and
proficient Nigerians, who possess the requisite skill sets to save their
beloved country from implosion.
*Ikechukwu Amaechi is the publisher of TheNiche
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