After surviving the
dark days of an autocratic military rule with its grisly infringement on the
liberal ethos that conduces to good governance and development, we do not need
a reminder of the need to be protective of the nation’s democracy. But the
tragedy is in the amnesia that goads on to make our environment perpetually in
hospitable to democracy.
In no other time in our national history is
this mental affliction more horrid than the President Muhammadu Buhari’s era.
Since he became the president, the democracy that paved the way for his
emergence as president has been so travestised that it poses a huge danger to
the continued existence of the nation. Since Buhari’s demystification after he
became president, we thought that we could no longer be shocked by the depth of
perfidy into which he and his All Progressives Congress (APC) would sink. But
we were mistaken. For the recent political absurdities in How do we sustain democracy when anomalies that negate its development are encouraged by the president and his party? In Osun, the will of the people that defines democracy was vanquished. Under the auspices of its federal might, the APC deployed thuggery, rigging and vote-buying to secure electoral victory . While the whole world was outraged at the perversion of the electoral process, Buhari was lauding it. Of course, the argument is by no means being made that the other political parties in the gubernatorial contest were immune from these evils. But we are alarmed that the APC demonstrated that it was not ready to woo the people on the basis of its track record of development and be accepted by them.
It is to deflect outrage at these egregious shenanigans in Osun that the APC
and its supporters have spun the narrative that for the survival of the state,
there was no way the people could allow Ademola Adeleke of the Peoples
Democratic Party (PDP) to be governor. He has been portrayed as too
intellectually worsted to take the reins of leadership in Osun. After all, he
had only a school certificate that is smudged by F9 in English. Worse, so the
portrayal goes, he has not shown the promise of self-improvement since his
preoccupation with dancing only underscores his divorce from the necessity of
honing his mental abilities. Yet, we remember that Buhari is not different from
Adeleke. When Buhari was asked to present his educational credentials that recommended
him for the nation’s highest office, he elected to go the whole hog not to
provide a direct and acceptable response.
Rather, he hired a plethora of SANs to stop
inquiries into his lackluster intellectual pedigree. Perhaps, unlike Buhari,
Adeleke would have been a better leader as long as he is amenable to the
superior logic of those around him. It is because Buhari is bereft of such
amenability that he keeps on pursuing his provincial agenda to the detriment of
the wellbeing of the citizens. Or why does Buhari spurn all the good
suggestions that he has been given to stop herdsmen’s terrorism and assuage the
sense of alienation occasioned by his lopsided policies?
Buhari has hobbled the institutions that
should provide the vitalising force for democracy .For instance, while so much
money is voted for the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), its
performance at every electoral exercise is often than not less stellar . The
suspicion is rife that INEC has lost its credibility to the whims and caprices
of the ruling party. To the citizens who have been disappointed by INEC as it
declares elections inconclusive so that it can do the bidding of the Buhari
government, the loss of the independence of the electoral umpire is driven home
by rechristening it as the APC-Dependent Electoral Commission (ADEC).
Despite the multiplicity of political parties,
Nigeria
is fast becoming a one-state party. Even the main opposition party has been so
muzzled that it is dispossessed of the nous and courage to really give
opposition to the APC. Defanged through the rash of allegations of financial
improprieties by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), the
leaders of the opposition rather than challenge the ruling party cozy up to it.
Thus, the hemorrhage of members from the PDP to the APC. Under the banner of
its holy grail that only people from outside the APC fold are corrupt, the
Buhari government has been harassing members of the opposition with charges of
corruption. Now, while the detention cells of the EFCC and DSS are brimming
with members of the opposition, the members of the ruling party are strutting
about the nation as the exemplars of moral and financial rectitude.
In sustainable democracies all over the world,
so much premium is placed on the rule of law. But not in Buhari’s democracy.
What obtains is the rule of Buhari. This self-delusion of equating his own
security to national security was thrown into sharp relief recently when he
sought to put national security above the rule of law. Because he sees his
whims as equating the rule of law, it serves national security as long as
Shiites leader Ibrahim El-Zazaky and former National Security Adviser Sambo
Dasuki are incarcerated despite court rulings granting them freedom.
With Buhari and APC’s idea of democracy,
development would continue to elude our nation. We must be self-deluded if we
think that these people who would emerge as our leaders can engender
development. These are people who never prepare for leadership. They are just
imposed. And because they are imposed, they can only be in office to execute
the parochial interests of their benefactors. Again, how do we really expect
development when these benefactors who could be former failed presidents and
governors would only influence their minions to serve their personal interests?
Because our democracy is so expensive, it is only those who have the money who
corral it to serve their interests. And how did these people make the money? Is
it not through corrupt sources? Even those who shamelessly declare to us that
they enjoy the financial goodwill of their friends and associates , how did
those benefactors get the money? For instance, how did the friends of Buhari
get N45 million to give to him to again buy a form through which he expressed interest
in the presidency? Buhari cannot fight corruption because his friends who
provided the money would expect to be paid back through contracts and other
means.
To be sure, even amid his laudation of the
thesis of liberal democracy as marking the end of history, Francis Fukuyama
leaves us with a caution against the upsets that may threaten this concept of
political organisation. But in the case of Nigeria , the upsets are so huge
that they may finally trounce democracy and pave the way to anarchy. For instance,
for Buhari to be defeated in the next election, his challengers in other
political parties need to deploy the weapons of rigging, vote-buying and
thuggery that he would use. In the long run, after Buhari has left office, it
would take years and real work for democracy to be rescued in the country.
If the possibility of securing true democracy
that can guarantee an improved standard of living of the citizens is foreclosed
under Buhari, he should at least allow restructuring that promises a measure of
equity in his lopsided federation. There is the likelihood in a restructured
federation that the evils of our sham democracy would be mitigated.
No comments:
Post a Comment