A Lecture by
Chuks
Iloegbunam
on the occasion of the
2018 Grand Alumni/Friends Homecoming
of the Faculty of Arts
April 26, 2018.
*Iloegbunam
“Our history strongly suggests that we need to moderate strength and
power with discretion and diplomacy, not only among our leaders but also among
the generality of our people. It is not weakness to recognize the value of
discretion. It is foolhardiness to choose death (or something close to it) in
place of life.”
– Michael J. C. Echeruo.
– Michael J. C. Echeruo.
I decided to open today’s discussion with the above quote
from Professor Echeruo’s A Matter Of
Identity, his November 1979 foundational lecture of the Ahajioku Lecture Series. The reason is
that it encapsulates the theme of my presentation, which is that E’kesia n’obi, ekee na mkpuke.
But, first of all, permit me to deliver to protocol its
due. I count myself privileged to stand before you today, even if to do a job
outside my professional territory of operation. I am a journalist who, by
virtue of political appointments, has operated within governmental circles in
the last 15 years. I have never been a teacher, not even a nursery school
teacher. Yet, I have been pressed into service here, to deliver a disquisition
to those whose primary and professional responsibility is the impartation of
knowledge. In my view, it is like taking coal to Ngwo ,
Nigeria ’s Newcastle ! It has its risks and thrills.
Theoretically, I could be ordered at any point of this assignment to return to
wherever I came from, my thoughts and pronouncements considered no better than
garble to the educated ear. On the other hand, I could be tolerated, in which
case my representation could form a pedestal for firing crusts in order to
extricate diamond. That would be thrilling.
Now, let me take us to the clay that molded this day. It
first came in the innocuous form of a text message I received on Sunday
February 2, 2018 from a functionary of this institution. This was what the
message said:
“Good evening sir. I’m Professor
Tracie Utoh-Ezeajugh, the Dean of the Faculty of Arts, Nnamdi Azikiwe
University . We’re
organizing an Alumni Homecoming/Luncheon Ceremony, to hold on 26th
April 2018. The Faculty Board has nominated you as the person to deliver the
Alumni Lecture. We will greatly appreciate your disposition and availability. I
hope I can call to discuss this further? Thanks.”
I considered the message for a few moments and concluded
that there must have been a mistake. It certainly was meant for someone else
but got accidentally texted to my number. My first disposition was to ignore
the communication, convinced that the sender would realize her mistake and
quietly make amends. On second thoughts, however, I decided otherwise. Although
I couldn’t remember ever personally interacting with Professor Utoh-Ezeajugh, I
wasn’t unaware of her existence. I often read The Creative Artist – A Journal of Theatre and Media Studies, of
which she is a coeditor. This led me into thinking that she probably was
someone I could do business with. Still, I decided to approach the matter on a
tentative note, by responding to her message in the following mode:
“Greetings, Prof. You’re in total
freedom to call. But, wetin I wan talk?
And whosai I go begin? Best regards.
Chuks.”
She gave me a ring thereafter. We discussed the matter,
and I accepted the invitation to be here. There is, of course, a second reason
for my presence today. I should leave mentioning it until the tail end of my
presentation.
The Allure
Allurement comes in multiple fashions. As a matter of
fact, it is doubtful that there is any aspect of life in which it is not
present, if not dominant. This makes it imperative to discuss some of its
ramifications, especially in so far as they are relevant to my argument. We
have the moth’s allurement to fire. If you lit a storm lantern, you would
within seconds have around it swarms of moth trying to make contact with the
lantern’s flame. The predictable outcome of such contact by any moth is its
instant incineration. It happens with human beings, ready examples being the
lunatic’s irresistible temptation to strike a match in an ocean of highly
inflammable gasoline, and the too determined child that would, Superman
fashion, leap from the father’s fifth floor flat to the shiny automobile down
in the parking lot. The lunatic will set off a conflagration to extinguish his
miserable life and raze much more. The pull of gravity will drag the child to a
thud on metal that would leave only the remains of gore and blood. These sorts
of suicidal allurements are self evident in everyday life, even when those
involved are folks believed to be perfectly sane.
There is the natural allurement. A biologically healthy
adult is normally drawn to the attraction of the opposite sex. The young,
fashionable female will see no reason why the make up or makeover should not be
a distinct part of her daily routine. The adolescent will be drawn to the ball
game, or to pugilism or to Ping-Pong or to some other sport. The old man with
the tired limbs may resort to short walks or the game of Chess or Draughts or
Ludo or Whot. In all of these allurements, there is hardly ever cause for alarm
because they are natural.
In the arenas of learning and application, a number of
problems inevitably arise. Learning begins from childhood. This learning may be
partial to the Humanities. A child, consciously or otherwise, begins to learn
languages, music, fashion, literature and sport. All these are in the
Humanities. But, where a child’s first allure to learning is in the realms of
quantum physics or quadratic equations, that would be an aberration. The child
would be a prodigy. Even if a child unfortunately has boxing sparing partners
or quarrelsome ones for parents and thus learns aggressiveness and garrulity from
an early age, his learning, at the last word, would still be situated in the
Humanities. The contention here is that the Allure of the Humanities is
primarily and essentially human. All other broad branches of learning come only
a distant second, or third or fourth, as the case may be. In essence, all
humans are schooled in the Humanities as a matter of course whereas swathes of
humankind pass through life with scant affinity to the sciences of fetal
surgery and rocketry. Please mark the learning in question by various degrees
on a 100-percentage index.
The Allure of
Learning
As a child grows, inherited genes and environmental
circumstances determine to what specific areas of learning and/or occupation
the Allure would drag them. That explains why today we have at the Chelsea
Football Club in West London a wing half
called Marcos Alonso. His brothers are all professional footballers. His father
was a professional footballer. And so was his grandfather. Soccer runs in their
family. When I was on the staff of the Vanguard
newspapers in Lagos , I used to spend time at the
newspaper’s Enugu
offices on Obiagu Road .
Near that office was a shed of vulcanizing business that boasted the
grandfather that started the business before the Nigerian civil war, his first
son, and his grandsons. None of them looked beyond the First School Leaving
Certificate. As far as the ordinary eyes could see, none of them looked
dissatisfied with life. None of them seemed to be suffering from want or
privation as a result of the career choice they collectively made. Vulcanizing
ran in the family.
In some cases, people whose progenitors had nothing to do
with formal education end up following the academic path, or at least finish
off with university degrees. My father, for instance, was a carpenter, my
mother a petty trader. Rear Admiral Alison Madueke’s father had to flee from
his Inyi home in order to make four years of primary education. He ended up a
successful businessman, whose nine children all benefitted from tertiary
education.
Now, as a child grows into adolescence or adulthood, he or
she decides the course of study or formal training to pursue. They could delve
into the Humanities because, from earliest days, they were exposed to it. Or
because, their secondary school experience was diffident in the sciences. They
could elect for military school because the parents lived near an Army barracks
and it was common to see smartly dressed soldiers marching elegantly to the
tunes of brass band music. The young fellow could turn their attention to Law School
or Medical School
or Business School . Whatever course of study they
eventually elect to pursue, one consequence would ultimately be inescapable.
And that is that they would be compelled to elect courses in the Humanities.
The Allure of the Humanities makes it natural for there to
be in universities what is known as English 101 or the Use of English. No one
requires proficiency in the English language to become an accomplished medical
doctor. After all, medical courses in Argentina are not conducted in the
English language, but in Spanish. Medical courses in Russia are not taught in English
but in Russian. The point, though, is that in whatever language a science
course is taught, the inevitability of the Humanities course of language is
taken for granted.
It is not only in the matter of the language of rendering
that the Humanities “intrudes” in other disciplines of learning. For instance,
the Anthropology of Medicine is vital for medical students. But, that is not because a good doctor cannot
emerge who has no knowledge of anthropology. No. The consideration is simply
that doctors practice their profession best in settings they understand the
culture and lifestyle of their patients best. A gynecologist in Kano would be more
effective if he is knowledgeable in the culture, religion and social
predilections of those he would be attending to their medical needs. Unless a
doctor has no aversion to decapitation, he may not readily load a backwater
woman in a rigid religious setting with condoms who he thinks is in dire need
of birth control. He would not readily prescribe the “morning after’ tablets to
a girl whose puritanical parents cannot contemplate the contingency of their
daughter’s non-virginity. Thus, the entire thing pertains to the Igbo saying
that, All Dance Settles In The Waist. Agbasia
egwu o’naa n’ukwu! In other words, you could learn Technology, or graduate
in the Sciences, or study Astronomy and master the Geosciences, yet something
pivotal would still be missing in your scholarship unless more than a
rudimentary knowledge of the Humanities supports it.
Learning the
Humanities
Take Mandarin, the official Chinese language spoken by
more than 750 million people. There was this young lady who gained university
admission to study Mandarin. Her father believed that fate had dealt him a
particularly bad card. Mandarin! Of all subjects, he moaned. Indignant, he
asked the daughter what she expected to achieve in life by taking a degree in
the Asian language. Because the young lady insisted on going ahead with her
chosen discipline, the father threatened to withdraw his sponsorship of her
further education. More than that, he summoned an extended family meeting at which
he derided both her daughter and the language she would study. Fortunately,
there were in the meeting some people with commonsense who told the old man to
back off.
Take now the English language. No one requires it to
become a pilot. But because English is the international language of aviation,
it is near impossible to be the aviator of a jetliner without knowledge of
good, old English. A pilot from Yangon , Myanmar , on an international flight to Ecuador is going to have to communicate with air
traffic controllers in Quito
in the English language. A pilot from Suriname
intending to land in Anchorage ,
Iceland , will
have no option other than to speak the English language. Apart from the
indispensability of English in intercontinental air travel, the other uses of
the language are legion. Decades ago, when I gained admission to take a first
degree in English, a friend casually mentioned that I was embarking on a
journey that would remove me from the category of society’s flotsam and jetsam
whose English was only of “Is” and “Was”. But, the studying of English does not
just accord and afford anyone with simply the pride of and the facility for
rendering sentences buckling with subordination and polysyllables.
The question could be posed. Why do we, in fact, even talk
of the Humanities? It is because it is the foundation of human knowledge. The
ideas we formulate in the acquisition of human knowledge are what we employ to
organize the state and its interactions with other societies. There are people
who think that when we study English it is in order that we blow grammar. That
happens not to be true; that’s far from what we do. In reality, English studies
means we are studying the literate culture of what constitutes the English,
including to various degrees its mathematics and sciences in all their
documented forms. In studying English we interrogate English ideas. We examine
the Colonial project, London
being a principal historical bastion of transcontinental colonialism. In
studying English, we come to terms with the communal psyche, and the
foundational and cultural ideas that led a geographically tiny people into
controlling for many centuries the trade and politics of much of the world. We
home in like a laser beam on the ways and means the English survived, and built
themselves up. That’s what the Humanities deals with.
A Nigerian graduate of English should know and understand
better than his friend in a non-Humanities discipline why London behaved the
way it did in 1984 when there was a botched Nigerian attempt to kidnap and
crate the politician Alhaji Umaru Dikko from London’s Stansted Airport to
Murtala International in Lagos. The unquantifiable learning that accrues from
learning and fully grasping the nuances and peculiarities of a language
explains why those in the Humanities formed the bulk of Foreign Service
officials deployed by Whitehall
to the colonies on His or Her Majesty’s Service. If language weren’t crucial
for the subjugation of peoples, colonial officers sent to “primitive”
territories in far-flung places would never have paid more than a fleeting
attention to learning the languages of their subjects. Where this failed to
yield total results, they imposed their own language and its values. That is
why I am addressing this audience today in the English language whereas most of
us here are Igbo, a language that is second nature to me. That is why President
Mohammadu Buhari, if he spoke at informal circles today with his own people
would be employing the Hausa language, rather than his native Fulfude in which
his proficiency is not even certain. This speaks of the place of power,
especially political and economic power, in language, for the Fulani did not
have the population. They, therefore, borrowed the language of their subjects
for their very subjugation.
Can we now say that the premium placed on language and the
Humanities still plays out today in the affairs of Nigeria ? People grounded in
History, Poetics and Culture abound. But those places in administration in
which they could become round pegs in round holes are indiscriminately ceded to
owners of arcane certificates who know next to nothing regarding exactly what
the call of duty is or should be. It may be trite to say, but the fact is that
people can hardly function successfully in areas where they are bereft of
philosophical foundations. Why, for instance, should an acclaimed professor,
and a former Vice Chancellor, play second fiddle in a key establishment like
the Education Ministry if not because it does not offend the sensibilities of
those who believe that society’s overall good should be subordinated to
political expediency? Does that not tie in to the valorization of mediocrity?
How does anyone expect to function optimally in an area in which he lacks
conceptual education, which is the ability to generate ideas? The ability to
generate ideas is what leads an official into instructing that, “those
buildings should be erected on the west wing”, because that’s where they stand
no chance of being jeopardized. If built other than on the west wing, they
would sit precariously on a flood plain. Allow the flood plain to await proper
channelization, while the business of erecting solid structures go on! Things
like that.
Language gives us the key to balanced analysis of society.
When we create structures of memory relating to our literature, our theatre,
the film industry, the very narrative of our sojourn as a people, our
historical foundations, we use these to create. People must tell their stories.
If you don’t preserve your story, your disappearance is only a matter of time.
Nobody would remember you. Your culture will not be preserved. Culture is the
way people make an image of themselves. People who have no image of themselves
invariably become forgotten. We give a proper definition of ourselves by the
level of seriousness we attach to the Humanities.
Teaching the
Humanities
So far, we have tried to demonstrate the central place of
the Humanities in the affairs of man. A natural question follows. Who might
teach the Humanities? In a broad sense, the answer is All. Everyone is
naturally a student of the Humanities. Everyone is also a teacher of some
components of the broad discipline. Of course, if a student required a
Bachelors degree in the Humanities, they would need the services of a degree-awarding
institution. But Queen Theresa Onuorah of the Egedege Dance Troupe in Unubi
controls our minds and excites our dancing abilities without our registering
for formal academic courses in folk music. The white man understood from the
beginning that knowledge does not reject impartation or expansion because the
harbinger of such an action cannot boast as many degrees as a thermometer does.
A few examples are apposite here. In 1985 when Paul Simon,
the American singer-songwriter, was working on a solo album that featured an
eclectic mixture of musical styles, it struck him that he needed to visit Nigeria to hire
the services of an expert. That expert turned out to be Demola Adepoju, a
member of the King Sunny Ade group, the African Beats. Mr. Adepoju didn’t have
a cache of degrees. In fact he had none. But his forte was the pedal steel
guitar. As we all know, the pedal steel guitar isn’t an African invention. And
there were scores of white men and African Americans that played the instrument
with élan. But Paul Simon saw in Mr. Adepoju what blinkers prevent most of us
from ever seeing – to the detriment of the promotion of the Humanities.
Each time Muhammed Ali (Cassius Clay) was mentioned,
people remembered him first and foremost as a former world heavyweight-boxing
champion. But he was also a poet, a poet good enough to be nominated by two
dons for the post of Professor of Poetry at the centuries old Oxford University .
This is the kind of poetry that Ali wrote:
Everyone knew when I stepped in
town,
I was the greatest fighter around.
A lot of people called me a clown,
But I am the one who called the
round.
The people came to see a great
fight,
But all I did was put out the
light.
Never put your money against
Cassius Clay,
For you will never have a lucky day.
That was in 1962. If your yardstick for poetic entitlement
were J. P. Clark Bekederemo, or Wole Soyinka, or Chimalum Nwankwo, or Obi
Nwakanma or John Donne or W. H. Auden, you probably would not consider Ali’s
name worth mentioning, not minding that he always strove to achieve rhymes at
the end of his lines. But informed people found some merit in his verse to
nominate him for that largely ceremonial but highly regarded position. Now, if
a resourceful Unizik undergraduate took the pains to go to Amanuke not far from
here, to collect and translate into English the songs and verses of that town,
would his volume make the Long List of the LNG Literature Prize? Or would the
experts pronounce the volume a collection of doggerel? The point is that it
takes the absence of cant, and an eye for exploration and experimentation, for
the Humanities to march on with dignity and achievement.
In 1989, my friend, Uzor Maxim Uzoatu, a poet with a resonant
voice, found himself at the University
of Pittsburgh in the United States .
The South African poet, Dennis Brutus, had invited him. There, Professor Brutus
asked Uzor to teach his students two key African novels – Arrow of God
by Chinua Achebe and Devil on the Cross by Ngugi wa Thiong’o. Brutus
didn’t ask Mr. Uzoatu to teach those novels because he held a professorship in
Literature. He did not. Those novels were among the lot that Brutus had taught
his students over several years. But he felt that coming from Africa ,
Uzoatu was in a position to introduce something novel in his interpretation of
the works that came from his continent of origin, especially Arrow of God that
is of his Igbo ethnic group. In some countries, the students would have
revolted and disdained tutelage from a novice! Faculty members would have filed
a petition, claiming that Brutus had introduced dilettantism in the teaching of
the Humanities. Again, if Morocco Maduka suddenly got appointed to a
professorial chair in the Music Department of a Nigerian university, would some
of the more educated members of the institution aggregate to hire the services
of a witchdoctor to inflict insanity on the minstrel? Or would they?
But Mr. Uzoatu’s experience was even
more astonishing in Canada ,
where he had been invited as a distinguished visitor, and from where Brutus had
asked him to look in at Pittsburgh .
Uzoatu found that at the University
of Western Ontario where
he was an intern, the head of The Graduate School of Journalism was a certain
Professor Peter Desbarats, who held no university degrees whatsoever. Yet, each
time any difficult question came up, the Journalism Faculty and students
referred to Desbarats and invariably got their problem solved. Would someone
without a basic university degree earn a tenured position, or any academic
position for that matter, in a Nigerian university? There is something to be
understood for our overall benefit. The adept has a critical role in this
matter of promoting the Humanities. And so do those best qualified as middling.
The place of
caution
It is important to stress that the mere fact of a general
teaching field for all cadres should not mean a free-for-all. People should
teach the Humanities. But they should teach only in those areas that they truly
have something worthwhile to offer. General teaching should never mean general
dabbling. Unfortunately, that is what is often on offer almost everywhere. And
this is so primarily because little attention is paid to the consequences of
square pegs in round holes. To demonstrate just how dangerous the proposition
of meddling is, a number of questions are apposite. How many women here would,
if pregnant, willingly submit themselves to caesarian section after learning
that the scalpel had been abandoned to the devices of the butcher at the local
abattoir? How many people here would happily board a flight after discovering
that a fellow whose previous flying experience was of kites had stormed the
cockpit and seized the plane’s controls? Yet, scary as these scenarios are,
they happen on a daily basis because, in matters especially to do with the
Humanities, nearly everyone strikes the pose of an expert.
As someone interested in the game of soccer, I can claim
knowledge of the technique employed to strike a penalty kick in such a way that
the goalkeeper is sent diving to the negative corner while the ball hits the
back of the net. But, in my autumnal years, do I still possess muscles powerful
enough to imbue the ball with enough velocity to send it spinning quickly away
from the one delegated to stop it? If the answer is No, why should I play
Cristiano Ronaldo, the dead ball expert, by grabbing the ball and insisting on
taking the spot kick the moment the referee’s whistle goes? Is it not in the
overall interest of humankind if reason prevailed and people played only in
their appropriate wings?
Let me expatiate. Most of my working life has been
media-related whether in government or out of it, whether at the state or at
the Federal level. My experience is that if you put out a press statement, voices
would rise in the thousands, charging that your message had not been delivered
in the right key. Why were you not solicitous, seeing that you were dealing
with a disagreeable or unpredictable audience? Why were you groveling when you
represented accredited political authority? Not only that, busybodies with
access to the Governor or the President would contact him to vehemently protest
your crippling lack of professionalism! Meanwhile, all the protesters would be
fulminating from a standpoint bereft of the inside knowledge that informed the
tenor of your press release. If you were a singer and rendered your song in
contralto, the meddlers would become agonistic, alleging that you were singing
a part written specifically for bass. That’s the way it is with the Humanities.
How many people ever heard the all-knowing protesters chanting that a
spacecraft had gone into orbit on defective propulsion? How many ever swore
that a satellite circling the moon was doing so at an angle guaranteed to make
it come apart in less than half the lifespan conjectured by the manufacturers?
No. Hi-tech and the pure sciences are not the domain of all-comers. Yet, the
grouse is not really that people protest what they wrongly think or believe is
out of place. The problematic is that, oftentimes, people abduct issues outside
their competence – to the negation of the guiding spirit of the Humanities, to
the scuttling of hopes and aspirations, and to the tune of ruinous complication
of straightforward questions. The flipside is that, against the stipulation of
commonsense, experts in the Humanities often escape into nonchalance, rather
than actively contributing to the resolution of matters crying for enlightenment.
The guru’s role
If we assumed for one moment that meddlers and pretenders
would surrender some space to the Humanities, the allure of the vast field
would pertain essentially to the gurus. The guru in the Humanities is the one
that has received proper – not necessarily classroom – training in the faculty.
He or she may have listened masters in the field. They probably kept a good
library or had access to one, the contents of whose tomes they could boast
considerable knowledge of. A guru is not in the Humanities because he belonged
to a religious order antipathetic to sin and its deleterious consequences. But,
because the Humanities humanize, the allurement to the discipline carries the
burden of promoting a healthy and stable society indexed on human values,
especially those celebratory of the ethos of justice, equity, fair play and
good conscience. The guru is doomed to precise pronouncements on Black and
White. If he took the attitude that something was white, it would only be
because he possessed the instruments to demonstrate its whiteness. He dares not
make a declaration on blackness without the facility or intention to delineate
the pigmentation of the colour. For him, there could be no question of dawdling
in Gray as a ploy for escapism. The temptation of the guru to perch in the
shade of Gray must be in order to establish verisimilitude between the two
primary colours of Black and White, nothing more.
Bearing this burden in mind, it was something of a shock
to read recently that the ban on the teaching of history in our schools had
been lifted. My apprehension is tied to a number of questions. Was the ban on
history teaching not motivated by the considerations of blatant political
partisanship? If so, are the architects of this blinkered evacuation of history
from classrooms likely to rehabilitate the subject without first putting in
place adequate means of attaining the objectives that informed the ban in the
first place?
Let us spare a moment in considering the catastrophic
consequences of a people not knowing where the rain began to beat them. This
post came recently to me by WhatsApp:
Biography of Thomas Sankara.
Thomas Sankara was Burkina Faso ’s
president from August 1983 until his assassination on October 15, 1987.
Perhaps, more than any other African president in living memory, Thomas
Sankara, in four years, transformed Burkina Faso from a poor country, dependent
on aid, to an economically independent and socially progressive nation.
Thomas Sankara began by purging the
deeply entrenched bureaucratic and institutional corruption in Burkina Faso .
He slashed the salaries of ministers and sold off the fleet of exotic cars in
the president’s convoy, opting instead for the cheapest brand of car available
in Burkina Faso ,
the Renault 5. His salary was $450 per month and he refused to use the air
conditioning units in his office, saying that he felt guilty doing so, since
very few of his country people could afford it.
Thomas Sankara would not let his
portrait be hung in offices and government institutions in Burkina Faso because,
as he declared, every Burkinabe was a Thomas Sankara. Sankara changed the name
of the country from the colonially imposed Upper
Volta to Burkina Faso ,
which means Land
of Upright Men .
Thomas Sankara’s achievements are
numerous and can only be summarized briefly. Within the first year of his
leadership, he embarked on an unprecedented mass vaccination programme that saw
2.5 million Burkinabe children vaccinated. From an alarming 280 deaths for
every 1,000 births, infant mortality was immediately slashed to below 145
deaths per 1,000 live births. Sankara preached self-reliance. He banned the
importation of several items into Burkina Faso , and encouraged the
growth of the local industry. It was not long before Burkinabes were wearing
100 percent cotton that was sourced, woven and tailored in Burkina Faso .
From being a net importer of food, Thomas Sankara began to aggressively promote
agriculture in Burkina Faso ,
telling his country people to quit eating imported rice and grain from Europe . “Let us consume what we ourselves control,” he
emphasized.
In less than four years, Burkina Faso
became self-sufficient in food production through the redistribution of lands
from the hands of corrupt chiefs and landowners to local farmers, and through
massive irrigation and fertilizer distribution programmes. Thomas Sankara
utilized various policies and government assistance to encourage Burkinabes to
get education. In less than two years of his presidency, school attendance
jumped from about 10 percent to a little below 25 percent, thus overturning the
90 percent illiteracy rate he met upon assumption of office.
Living way ahead of his time, within
12 months of his leadership, Sankara vigorously pursued a reforestation
programme that saw over 10 million trees planted around the country in order to
push back the encroachment of the Sahara Desert. Uncommon at the time he lived,
Sankara stressed women empowerment and campaigned for the dignity of women in a
traditionally patriarchal society. He also employed women in several government
positions and declared a day of solidarity with housewives by mandating their
husbands to take on their roles for 24 hours.
A personal fitness enthusiast,
Sankara encouraged Burkinabes to always keep fit, and was regularly seen
jogging unaccompanied on the streets of Ouagadougou ;
his waistline remained the same throughout his tenure as president.
In 1987, during a meeting of African
leaders under the auspices of the Organization of African Unity, Thomas Sankara
tried to convince his peers to turn their backs on the debt owed western
nations. According to him, “debt is a cleverly managed re-conquest of Africa . It is a re-conquest that turns each one of us
into a financial slave.” He would not request for, nor accept aid from the
West, noting that “…welfare and aid policies have only ended up disorganizing
us, subjugating us, and robbing us of a sense of responsibility for our own
economic, political, and cultural affairs. We chose to risk new paths to
achieve greater well-being.”
Thomas Sankara was a pan-Africanist
who spoke out against apartheid, telling French President Jacques Chirac,
during his visit to Burkina
Faso , that it was wrong for him to support
the apartheid government and that he must be ready to bear the consequences of
his actions. Sankara’s policies and his unapologetic anti-imperialist stand
made him an enemy of France, Burkina
Faso ’s former colonial master. He spoke
truth to power fearlessly and paid with his life. Upon his assassination, his
most valuable possessions were a car, a refrigerator, three guitars,
motorcycles, a broken down freezer and about $400 in cash.
Few young Africans have ever heard of
Thomas Sankara. In reality, it is not the assassination of Thomas Sankara that
has dealt a lethal blow to Africa and Africans;
it is the assassination of his memory, as manifested in the indifference to his
legacy, in the lack of constant reference to his ideals and ideas by Africans,
by those who know and those who should know. Among physical and mental dirt and
debris lie Africa ’s heroes while the younger
generations search in vain for role models from among their kind. Africans have
therefore, internalized self-abhorrence and the convictions of innate
incapability to bring about transformation. Transformation must run contrary to
the African’s DNA, many Africans subconsciously believe.
Africans are not given to celebrating
their own heroes, but this must change. It is a colonial legacy that was
instituted to establish the inferiority of the colonized and justify colonialism.
It was a strategic policy that ensured that Africans celebrated the heroes of
their colonial masters, but not that of Africa .
Fifty years and counting after colonialism ended, Africa ’s
curriculum must now be redrafted to reflect the numerous achievements of
Africans.
The present generation of Africans is
thirsty, searching for where to draw the moral, intellectual and spiritual
courage to effect change. The waters to quench the thirst, as other continents
have already established, lies fundamentally in history – in Africa’s forbears,
men, women and children who experienced much of what most Africans currently
experience, but who chose to toe a different path. The media, entertainment
industry, civil society groups, writers, institutions and organizations must
begin to search out and include African role models, case studies and examples
in their contents.
For Africans, the strength
desperately needed for the transformation of the continent cannot be drawn from
World Bank and IMF policies, from aid and assistance obtained from China , India ,
the United States or Europe . The strength to transform Africa lies in the
foundations laid by uncommon heroes like Thomas Sankara; a man who showed
Africa and the world that with a single minded pursuit of purpose, the worst
can be made the best, and in record time too.
I am still searching for the original author of this
Sankara tribute, so as to accord due credit. What the piece demonstrates is the
failure of the Humanities by the African, but particularly by the Nigerian.
Because Thomas Sankara is hardly mentioned anywhere on the African continent,
his memory and legacy are deliberately being extinguished. Is the case not the
same with such Nigerian greats as Obafemi Awolowo and Thomas Aguiyi-Ironsi? Of
course, it is fantastic that this great institution is named after one of Africa ’s greatest nationalists. But how many students of
this university will readily retell the signposts of Dr. Azikiwe’s greatness?
What would be your reaction if I recall that a Yoruba journalist friend of
mine, who earned a Masters degree in the Humanities from a British university,
went on record to say that, because he was pivotal in the enthronement of the
Buhari presidency, Bola Tinubu had done more for his ethnic group than Awolowo
ever managed?
Look
at Michael Iheonukara Okpara. He was the Premier of Eastern Nigeria from 1959
to 1966. He died a poor man, without using his political position to amass
wealth, without being corrupt, without even owning a decent house of his own.
Apart from leading by the personal example of rectitude, Okpara’s greatest accomplishment was that he faithfully continued
his predecessor in office, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe’s programme of economic
restoration, indexed on the Eastern Region Reconstruction Programme of 1954 to
1964. When Okpara took charge in 1959, he saw to the inauguration of the University of Nigeria . He established the university's
College of Agriculture in Ogoja. His entire
Agricultural programme, modeled after the Israeli Kibbutz, translated the
various farm settlements he established in key parts of the East and ultimately
made Eastern Nigeria the country’s breadbasket
by 1965. It is a matter of public record that, by 1965 school children were
having an egg each for their breakfasts in Eastern schools as a result of the
quantum of eggs produced in the region. Under Okpara’s watch, industrial
centers were created in key Eastern Nigerian cities. Aba, Calabar, Enugu,
Onitsha, Owerri, Umuahia and Calabar had industrial layouts designated
Factory Roads, but far more crucial was that artisan and technical skills were
so high through the many Technical colleges and training centers established by
Okpara’s administration. The result was that the East virtually had dominance
of skilled workers and artisans nationwide. Okpara also built on Azikiwe's
school programme, so that by 1966, the East had the highest number of secondary
schools in Nigeria; the highest number of Teacher Training Colleges; and the
highest school enrollment in West Africa; the highest number of Community
Health centers and hospitals in Nigeria, and better still, by 1964, it was seen
as the fastest growing economy in the world, ahead of the so-called "Asian
Tigers" that later took over.
The Nkalagu Cement Factory came on stream under Okpara. He
built the Turners Asbestos Cement Company at Emene. He built the Presidential
Hotels in Enugu and Port Harcourt . He built the Golden Guinea
Brewery (Oyoyo Mmi!) and the Modern
Ceramics Industry at Umuahia. He built the Obudu Cattle Ranch nearly 60 years
before retrogression reintroduced the idea of Cattle Colonies. More than all else, he was not corrupt.
Yet, what percentage of Ndigbo remember today his legacy? If he is hardly
remembered in the Igbo country, it is little wonder that, in his Inaugural
speech of May 29, 2015, President Buhari remembered by name and gave credit to
the Premiers of Northern Nigeria, Western Nigeria, and Mid-Western Nigeria but
conveniently forgot Michael Okpara who achieved much more than all other Premiers
of his contemporaneity! If truth be told, Thomas Sankara was, except in the
manner of death, a replication of Michael Okpara. Why then should Igbo parents,
including the gurus, expect the teaching of Dr. Okpara’s legacy to devolve on a
Mamman Katsina or an Oladele Bank-Alakija or a Basil Davidson?
Let me put a question to this audience: Was it not in
front of all your eyes that some Igbo politicians, acting in the name of
partisanship, set ablaze bales of cloth imprinted with Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu’s
image? This leads me to a number of critical areas in which, instead of
speaking out, our gurus respond with deafening silence. Take Chief John Nnia
Nwodo, the President-General of Ohanaeze Ndigbo. Chief Nwodo was at the Grand
Hotel in Asaba on Saturday October 7, 2017, for the 50th anniversary
of the Asaba Massacre. Governor Ifeanyi Okowa of Delta State
was there. Mr. Donald Duke, the former Governor of Cross River State, was
present. It was one of the last public outings of former Vice President, Dr.
Alex Ekwueme. The occasion was a memorial to the thousands of Asaba indigenes
that were led to the town’s square and mown down by Nigerian soldiers during
the civil war. Despite the gravity of the occasion, Chief Nwodo began his
address by recalling to the distinguished audience the trauma that attended his
125 kilometre
journey from Enugu to the Delta State
capital. His car was stopped 20 times at various Police checkpoints. On the
average, that meant a mandatory halt of his journey after every 6.25 kilometres !
Chief Nwodo lamented that the largely peaceful South East
geopolitical zone had been turned into a vast cantonment of checkpoints,
something absent in the other five geopolitical zones of the country. He didn’t
discuss the permanent chaos that passes for the Onitsha
end of the Niger Bridge . There, you have the Army, the
Air Force, the Navy, the Police Mobile Force, the Customs, the Immigration, the
Road Safety Corps, the DSS and the Civil Defence, their men and women mostly
armed with assault rifles, impeding traffic, extorting road users, frustrating
dreams and endangering lives. Onitsha is far
from Nigeria ’s
borders. It is 950
kilometres to the northern tip of the country in
Katsina. It is 510
kilometres from Badagry to the west. It is 354 kilometres to
Calabar on the Atlantic . Yet, it appears to be
the main operational base of the Customs!
Vehicles coming into Anambra State
have to drive on a single lane as the uniformed personnel at the bridgehead
invariably narrow the double lane passage to only one, thus creating tailbacks
on the creaking, 53-year old bridge. Is the Niger Bridge
designed to bear for most hours of each day such near-static deadweight? Or,
are otherwise sane people willfully inviting a catastrophe that they would
later call “an act of God”? Should a whole people remain in bondage in order
that armed and uniformed people can carry on with the collection of “Rogers ”? Is that really the way to prosecute the war
against corruption?
Chief Nwodo demanded the dismantling of these checkpoints.
His outrage raises a couple of fundamental question. Why are security personnel
and checkpoints massed in the Igbo country when, as President Buhari recently
revealed, waves of Libya-trained terrorists are breaching our borders from the
Sahel and inflicting death and destruction on the entity? Why are these
checkpoints not teeming in the North-East geopolitical zone where Boko Haram
terrorists are still on their killing and kidnapping sprees? Why are our people
carrying on as though Nwodo is the only tongue that ever tasted salt and
pepper, the only pair of lips that could ever part to insist that, the monkey’s
hand not being human, it should be removed from the soup pot?
Take in addition four faulty interpretations of Nigeria ’s contemporary history
crying to be redressed. Two of them issue directly from the military action of
January 15, 1966. The third was in Biafra , and
the fourth during the years that immediately preceded Nigerian Independence in
1960. I bring them up because, as Ndigbo insist, “It is always advisable for
elders to keep a watchful eye on the homestead, so that children do not roast
and eat the vulture for meat.”
(1)
Richard Osuolale Abimbola Akinjide is 87 years old. He was
the Federal Minister of Education in the First
Republic , and the Federal Minister of
Justice in the Second
Republic . He is a Senior
Advocate of Nigeria (SAN). Now, Chief Akinjide granted an interview to Thisday newspaper on October 1, 2017.
The following is an except of the interview that had to do with the January 15,
1966 putsch:
Question: Did anybody raise any
objection?
Akinjide: Of course, we asked
him (Major-General Aguiyi-Ironsi) and he said just to keep us safe. We didn’t
ask him to come. We didn’t need your security but he kept coming. Right then,
we smelt a rat. Later on, I must tell you that I got a report, very big report,
from foreign intelligence that in fact Ironsi was the leader of that coup.
Question:
But Nigerians believe it was Major Kaduna Nzeogwu who was the leader of the
coup?
Akinjide: No, no, no. I was
given a bulk report on Ironsi’s involvement in the coup. As said, we didn’t
know where the Prime Minister was but Ironsi was going left, right and centre.
We discovered later that he was indeed the leader of the coup. He now asked us
to hand over power to him for safety. I said why do we have to hand over power
to you? You are the head of the army, keep the country safe. But he insisted
and ‘forced’ us to hand over power to him at the cabinet meeting. Power was not
handed over to him but he took power from us by force.”
(2)
Alhaji Abdul Ganiyu Folorunso Abdul Razak is 90 years old. He
was the Federal Minister in charge of the Nigerian Railways in the First Republic .
He is the first Senior Advocate of Nigeria produced by Northern
Nigeria . He was in the meeting at the Parliament in Lagos where the rump of
the Federal Cabinet handed over political power to the soldiers. He keeps to
this day in his private library a document that rightly belongs to the Nigerian
public.
(3)
Brigadier Victor Adebukonuola Banjo was executed in Enugu on September 22,
1967, along with Lieutenant Colonel Emmanuel Arize Ifeajuna, Major Philip
Alale, and senior Foreign Service official Samuel Agbam. A Special Tribunal had
found them guilty of treason against the Biafran State .
Below is produced unedited the Wikipedia entry on Banjo:
“Victor Banjo (April 1, 1930 –
September 22, 1967) was a Colonel in the Nigerian Army. He ended up in the
Biafran Army during the struggles between Nigeria
and Biafra . Victor Banjo was mistaken for a
coup plotter against the Nigerian Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa, by the
Government of Aguiyi Ironsi (according with the book "Why we struck"
by Adewale Ademoyega) He was alleged to have staged a coup plot against Biafran
President Odumegwu Ojukwu and was executed as a result. It took a second
military tribunal judge to sentence Victor Banjo, because Odumegwu Ojukwu's
first military judge stated that there were not enough evidence to convict
Victor Banjo of coup charges. There has been no third party verification of
Victor Banjo's involvement in the Nigerian Coup nor Biafran Coup. His alleged
involvement in both coup plots has been based on unsubstantiated hearsay.”
(4)
About a week before the burial of General Chukwuemeka
Odumegwu-Ojukwu on March 2, 2012, Owelle Rochas Okorocha unveiled the statue of
the ex-Biafran leader at the Heroes
Square in Owerri. It was the first manifestation
of the Imo State Governor’s proclivity for erecting statues. There were
inscriptions at the base of the Ojukwu statue, only one of which is of
immediate interest. It stated that Ojukwu was the second indigenous graduate
officer of the Nigerian Army.
A string of subterfuges connect the above points. I will
deal with them all, beginning from point Number 4, in order to set the
records straight for posterity. The information that Ojukwu was only the second
commissioned graduate in the Nigerian Army is false. The information that Major
General Olufemi Olutoye was the first graduate to receive an Army commission is
misleading. For the purposes of this paper, I asked a friend in Owerri to visit
the Heroes Square
in order to determine whether or not the Imo State
authorities had corrected their unpardonable mistake. They had not. Perhaps, I
was the one mistaken? I decided to clear all lingering doubts on the
controversy by contacting the Public Relations arm of the British Armed Forces
by email, and asking for the testament of their records. I got a response in
hours to this effect:
According to the
Supplement To The London
Gazette of July 19, 1960, Cadet Olufemi Olutoye (W.A. 97) received a Short
Service Commission in the West African Forces in the rank of 2nd
Lieutenant on May 7, 1960.
But according to the
Supplement To The London
Gazette of November 4, 1958, 2nd Lieutenant C. O. Ojukwu was
promoted to Lieutenant on March 22, 1958, with seniority backdated to September
22, 1957.
What the above official entries from London show is that Ojukwu became a Full
Lieutenant three whole years before Olutoye attained the lower rank of 2nd
Lieutenant! Honour should disqualify General Olutoye from being numbered in the
coterie that pronounced him the gold medalist on that historical milestone.
The information from Owerri is that Governor Okorocha is
replacing the old Ojukwu statue. He should be told to correct his government’s
earlier mistake. Beyond this counsel that Okorocha sorely needs, it deserves to
be stated that this matter represents a failure on the part of our Humanities
gurus. They looked the other way as the tethered goat writhed in labour. There
are at least five tertiary institutions in Imo State .
Owerri, the capital city, bristles with professors of History and assorted
experts in other branches of the Humanities. Yet, a brazen falsehood regarding
General Ojukwu was allowed to insult public sensibilities for six whole years.
If people blamed the ban on the teaching of history for this terrible lapse,
they would incite skeptical smiles from all over.
We come to the issue of Victor Banjo. The Wikipedia post
on Banjo is a horrendous amputation of history. It is not true that a first
tribunal had acquitted him, following which an unsatisfied Ojukwu appointed a
second tribunal that returned a guilty verdict. There had been only one
tribunal in the trial of Banjo, Ifeajuna, Alale and Agbam – the one headed by
Justice G. C. Nkemena, which had Brigadier U. O. Imo and J. Udoaffia as
members. The Wikipedia post on Victor Banjo remains an affront to history that
must be dismantled. The certified true copy of the verbatim report of the
trial/verdict of the Justice Nkemena Tribunal is in the public domain. In fact,
it is the basis of a book by the renowned journalist Nelson Ottah, which has
the uncanny distinction of appearing under two different titles. It was first
published in 1980 by Fourth Dimension, Enugu ,
as The Trial of Biafra’s Leaders
(ISBN 97815600983). Mason, Ikeja, issued the same book a year later as Rebels Against Rebels, (ISBN
0722314302)! In my view, only people who have carefully read the Tribunal’s
judgment can realistically take a position on whether or not justice had been
served. Like a sour taste in the mouth, it leaves a lingering question. Who do
our Humanities gurus expect to correct the inherent falsehood in the Wikipedia
post on Victor Banjo?
Let me now address the mater of Alhaji Abdul Razak. I met
with this eminent Nigerian when I was writing Ironside, my biography of General Aguiyi-Ironsi, nearly 30 years
ago. The story he told me then, which appears in Ironside, is not exactly in sync with
Chief Akinjide’s tale. Chief Akinjide claims that he questioned Aguiyi-Ironsi
on why he was at the Parliament on the morning of the coup d’etat. No previous
account of January 15, 1966 credits Akinjide with vocalizing any exception to
Ironsi’s hearing. But Akinjide declares 52 years after the event that he had
expressed outrage to Aguiyi-Ironsi himself! This is hardly surprising because
every first-person account of the events of those days has invariably cast the
raconteur in the mode of a superhero!
Of graver concern, however, is that Alhaji
Abdul Razak had revealed to me that he had kept in his possession the document
in which he and other Cabinet members/Parliamentarians of the First Republic
signed away their political mandate to the Nigerian Armed Forces. I tried in
vain to get a copy of this document of great import for my book. More worrying
is that it is still not in the public domain. Why are Abdul Razak’s fellow
Senior Advocates amongst us not asking why the document should not be in the
public domain? It cannot be because it has never been publicly raised before.
This was how I treated it in January 15,
1966 was not an Igbo coup, an article that I published in January 2016 and
which is still all over the Internet:
Although I count (Dr. Reuben) Abati
[who called January 15 an Igbo coup in an article] as a friend, I had tagged
him “a conceited ignoramus” in my 2011 piece (refuting his claim).
Today, the temptation is overpowering to dub him a recalcitrant recidivist.
But, I will resist it and, instead, introduce specificity in my challenge to Nigeria and
Nigerians.
The original copy, and
exemplifications, of the Magna Carta, the charter of liberty and political
rights that rebellious barons obtained from King John of England in
1215, survive to this day and are available for public scrutiny. That is the
way of serious countries desirous of learning the appropriate lessons of
history. In Nigeria ,
priceless historical documents are either doctored or destroyed or dumped in
private vaults, a lamentable practice that encourages Abati’s ilk to go sowing
the seeds of discord. Nigeria
should place the transcripts of the meetings of Aguiyi-Ironsi’s Supreme
Military Council (SMC) in the public domain. This will, among other things,
confirm that the body had decided to court-martial the January 1966 coup
plotters.
Also, 50 years after the event, the
document by which parliamentarians handed over power to the military remains in
the private hands of Alhaji Abdul Rasak (SAN). He should be persuaded to
relinquish it to the Nigerian state.
It
is because Nigerians make a joke of historical facts and documents that Chief
Akinjide could claim preposterously in 2017 that he “got
a report, very big report, from foreign intelligence that in fact Ironsi was
the leader of that coup.” Under what auspices was the “big report from foreign
intelligence” handed over to Akinjide? Who exactly did the handing over of the
document? Why has Chief Akinjide kept this “bulky” intelligence report
concealed for 52 years? After claiming that he had it, why are other eyes still
prevented from reading it? Could it be because the fabulous intelligence report
exists only in the octogenarian’s fertile imagination? In parenthesis, I may
just add that, until Akinjide’s astonishing interview, no one had warned that
“going left, right and centre,” which he accused Aguiyi-Ironsi of, amounted to
a capital offence!
Every country places a moratorium on classified documents for a
given period. Thereafter, the documents are declassified. In the United States
secret documents are declassified by default after 10 years unless there is a
specific warrant against declassification. Still, documents not declassified
after 25 years mandatorily come up for review. In the United Kingdom , declassification is
automatic after 30 years. That was one of the reasons why I waited until 1999
to publish Ironside. I had first to
visit the British Public Records Office at Kew Gardens in London, to extricate
previously classified Cabinet records that unambiguously demonstrated that
Lieutenant Colonel Yakubu Gowon was going to declare the Independent Republic
of Northern Nigerian in the wake of the bloody countercoup of July 1966 but was
dissuaded by Whitehall and the White house.
But Akinjide claims possession, since 1966, of a bulky
foreign intelligence report that placed General Aguiyi-Ironsi at the leadership
of the January 1966 coup. Yet he will not release it for public consumption! It
shows that, to varying degrees, people like Akinjide, Abdul Razak, the
ghostwriter of the Wikipedia balderdash on Victor Banjo and the statue-monger
of Imo are, deliberately or inadvertently, in the service of the grand schema
to keep Ndigbo permanently demonized as a justification for perpetually holding
them up for opprobrium, marginalization and thralldom.
It was, of course, natural for such an upheaval as
grotesque as January 15, 1966, to give vent to numerous interpretations. Some
said it was a coup plotted and executed to institute and drive the machinery of
Igbo domination of Nigeria .
Others countered that an Igbo coup could not have had as a central objective, the
institution of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, a Yoruba, as head of the government of
the conspirators’ establishment. Some of the diehard believers of the first
interpretation went ahead to organize the July 29, 1966 countercoup, which
remains the bloodiest putsch in Africa’s history. Some of those who denied or
refuted the claim of an Igbo coup in January 1966 have, to this day, shouted
themselves hoarse in the hope of winning adherents to their tendency. Most do
not give a damn.
But for the reflective, it all boils down to licking one’s
lips or letting harmattan into the destructive job of doing the licking. It
brings me back to theoretical formulations in the earlier stages of this
presentation where I stated that, “People must tell their stories. If you don’t
preserve your story, your disappearance is only a matter of time. Nobody would
remember you. Your culture will not be preserved. Culture is the way a people
make an image of themselves.” This is the point at which to bring into
consideration the wisdom inherent in the advice from Professor Echeruo that
prefaces this paper:
“Our history strongly suggests
that we need to moderate strength and power with discretion and diplomacy, not
only among our leaders but also among the generality of our people. It is not
weakness to recognize the value of discretion. It is foolhardiness to choose
death (or something close to it) in place of life.”
The alternative to the macabre choice of death or
something close to it is to be found in entrenching one’s identity. To be sure,
it is not the kind of fire a man stands astride in order to warm himself. This
is because the flames of this fire are of the leaping variety that licks the
testicles! It is not the sort of dance one engages in with their palm cupping
snuff. Otherwise, the black, powdery stuff scatters to the four winds. The
instruments required for this operation are discretion and diplomacy. Diplomacy
and discretion that are channeled into telling our story for the irreversible
entrenchment of our identity! You can inscribe this on a wall where it is
unlikely to be effaced by seepages from rainwater: the threat against us is
less of super-structural savagery than it is of the insidious self-denudations
of our identity by conscious and unconscious acts of commission and omission.
We long abandoned our definition to the devices of voices emitting nothing but
howls of execration against us. Who does not know that the consequences of this
collective self-abnegation are too hazardous to contemplate? Who does not know
that the continued preservation of geographically tiny Israel in the midst of
hostile neighbours is due more to the uncompromising sustenance of the Jewish
identity than to the state’s legendry military prowess? Is it not given trite that
identity and centripetality are conjoined?
I am no prophet of doom. I do not believe that any
objective classification would lump me with people who would tell the seeker of
direction that there was a roundabout two kilometres away, without going one
better to advise the sojourner to turn left or turn right or move straight
ahead on getting to the roundabout. I aver, therefore, that there is a panacea
to the contingency of ethnic suicide. The late, great poet, Christopher Okigbo,
told us how to go about it 52 years ago. In “Hurray for Thunder,” the fourth
movement in Part of Thunder: Poems prophesying war, Okigbo gave us this
couplet:
The eye that looks down will
surely see the nose;
The finger that fits should be
used to pick the nose.
My proposal toes that line. In the journey of life, there is
always an ambience in which all opinions are freely aired. But, when the deluge
has risen from the ankles and become neck deep, the gurus must play
significantly in the position of ideas and the mechanisms for obviating the
contingent catastrophe of drowning. This dismisses what obtained in the recent
scenario that posed the all-important question of where, between our homes and
Rockland, we should wake up each morning. We witnessed the avoidable babel that
ensued, especially in the social media. We also saw to our chagrin the Grim
Reaper disregarding age and remorselessly transporting youth to demise by
various vehicles, including drowning in mire!
My attitude is that the babel is a natural consequence of
the abdication of responsibility by the gurus. Our gurus must return to the
noble and self-preserving task of lighting the torch in order that the people
will see through the labyrinthine pathways of life. The ostrich option must be
jettisoned. Individuals in the know may not indulge in the escapism of
nonintervention, which is like roasting and feasting on rodents while the
homestead is on fire. At the collective level, a good way of maximizing the
functions of our gurus is by setting up a non-tuition university, a well-funded,
properly equipped and competently administered research citadel where our
eggheads both at home and in the Diaspora will often retire, especially during
sabbaticals, to study our multifarious challenges and posit informed options
for sustained existence in dignity, safety and security. Ndigbo are in dire
need of such a Think Tank! Its realization cannot be as onerous as the
mastering of rocket science.
Conclusion
Distinguished ladies and gentlemen. I am now in the final
lap of this race. To redeem my promise, I will now reveal the major reason why
I accepted the invitation to be here today. More than a decade ago, I found
myself as a geriatric student in this university, doing a Masters programme in
English. Two university professors, both of them female, averred that I could
do with the diploma. I thought differently. But, insistent, they dragged me,
kicking and screaming, into the course. The reason I disdained returning to
school wasn’t because I had suddenly developed Boko Haramic tendencies. No! But
I was antipathetic to the idea of reengagement with formal education because of
a 1983 experience that had left me traumatized. I was then on the staff of The Guardian newspapers in Lagos. The
paper’s Editor deployed me to the old Cross River State, to cover the
presidential election. I had the option of doing the trip to and from Calabar,
the state capital, by air. But, because I would be away for about two weeks, I
elected to drive.
Well, I covered the election all right. The Federal Electoral
Commission (FEDECO) declared Alhaji Shehu Shagari duly returned for a second
term of office. On the journey back to Lagos flattened tyres abandoned me at
dusk somewhere not far away from Odogbolu in the Yoruba country. While trying
to plot a way out of my predicament some armed men surrounded me and yanked my
car keys from me. By some miracle I escaped and fled into surrounding bushes,
my fear of adders and vipers temporarily extinguished.
At the scene of the robbery the following morning, the car
was still there. I had, prior to the bandits’ arrival, disabled it by removing
the rotor. But other valuables had gone, including the dissertation for a
University of Lagos Masters degree in Mass Communication that I had almost
completed, and the typewriter I was using to write the treatise. [We didn’t
have palmtops and laptops and desktops in those days.] I decided it was
farewell to formal education, and stuck to the resolution until the two ladies
that weren’t even acquaintances at the time railroaded me right back to Unizik
auditoriums and classrooms.
I later regretted acquiescing to their importunity. The
Masters programme was to last an academic session. But it took many more years
to accomplish. While at it, my daughter caught a flight for the United Kingdom
and returned twelve months later armed with a Masters degree in her area of
specialization. Not only that, my son who was a Unizik undergraduate soon left
with a science degree. Beside myself with indignation, I vowed to expose the
morass that had forced us into dawdling for years for an MA in English. I
mobilized fellow journalists for muckraking, only for us to hit outcomes that
left everyone pleasantly surprised. We found that what had happened to my
course mates was no more than an unfortunate blip, an aberration. We found that
Nnamdi Azikiwe University, especially the Arts Faculty that we had specifically
targeted, was acquitting itself creditably in terms of its raison d'être. Academic sessions were progressing with the
efficiency of a chronometer. Following our eventual graduation, some of my
course mates registered for doctoral work in the same English Department. Upon
the invitation to be here today, I did a onceover of the Arts Faculty. My findings
were exhilarating.
I found that the Faculty has 10 solidly established Departments,
thus:
1. Chinese.
2.English Language and Literature.
3. History and International Studies.
4. Igbo, African and Asian Studies.
5. Linguistics.
2.English Language and Literature.
3. History and International Studies.
4. Igbo, African and Asian Studies.
5. Linguistics.
6. Modern
European Languages.
7. Music.
8. Religion
and Human Relations.
9. Philosophy, and
9. Philosophy, and
10. Theatre
and Film Studies.
Further, since the inception of the university in 1991,
the Arts Faculty has graduated some 4,189 students that undertook regular
studies and 748 that underwent Part-time programmes. The Faculty has awarded
271 doctorate degrees, 816 Masters degrees and 36 Postgraduate diplomas. It
currently has under tutelage some 2,611 regular students, 451 Part-time
students in undergraduate work, and a total of 485 students pursuing postgraduate
diplomas and MA and PhD degrees. In my book, this distinction is stunning. As
someone who prefers to learn from the titans, I had no option but to say a
resounding yes when the invitation came for me to share my thoughts with you.
That is the Allure of the Humanities.
I thank you for your time.
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