Finally, President
Muhammadu Buhari has confirmed what has been known to many for nearly three
years: he wants to remain in power for four more years. According to Mr. Buhari, this decision is owed not to his
personal desire, but to popular clamour.
It is always amusing when people who seek office, or want to cling to it, cite
popular pressure. The truth is that only Buhari’s circle of loyalists
wants him back. No Nigerian whose desire or interest is leadership rather
than power, does.
*President Buhari |
I am not necessarily saying Buhari will not win the
re-election contest, but if he does, it will not be because he deserves
it. To begin with, voter turnout was high for him when he won in 2015,
hope in full bloom.
In 2019, betrayed Nigerian voters may revert to indifference.
Already, it is curious that mountains of voters’ cards are being ignored by
their owners nationwide.
Otherwise, as a referendum on Buhari’s atrocious
performance, 2019 ought to see him suffer the same humiliation as the one he
handed his predecessor in 2015.
Why do so many Nigerians who braved every challenge on
behalf of Buhari now resent the thought he wants another term?
Simply put, Buhari has been found out. Not only has he
been unveiled as being incapable of running Nigeria , his claims of personal
integrity, and that he has the credentials to conquer corruption, have been
shattered.
The most important thing that Nigeria and the world have learned
in the past three years is that there isn’t much to Buhari beyond words.
And that, sadly, if he previously wasn’t, he has become a part of the
corruption he lambasted for decades. No longer can he claim to be
incorrupt, or incorruptible.
He has accomplished this in three related ways. The
first is his rejection of merit as a principle. Where he was expected to
assemble the best minds and hands, his appointees have ranged from the
questionable to the miserable, with senior officials often working at
cross-purposes.
The second is his comfort with corruption. Even
President Goodluck Jonathan fired his friend and Minister, Stella Oduah.
Buhari, to the surprise of the world, has absolved of blame
and protected all the senior officials who have been stained by corruption
allegations. The only exception to this rule is Babachir Lawal, the
former secretary to the government, and the entire world is witness to how
reluctant Buhari was to let him go.
But his complicity is exposed the most by his unwillingness
to combat corruption by openly identifying with the nation’s most corrupt, even
where demanded by a court of law.
Since his electoral campaign in 2015, his most consistent
feature has been his vociferous and daily denunciation of the Peoples
Democratic Party (PDP).
That has not been matched by action, and it is only lately
that, following a challenge by the PDP, the government has named a few
persons. But corruption under Buhari being an affliction he recognizes
only in others, only persons currently of the PDP featured on it.
This follows Buhari’s consistent failure to honour his
promises since his first few months in office to personally publish a list of
the looters, no matter whom they proved to be.
The irony is that when the Ministry of Information published
its list two weeks ago, there were six names, although that was upgraded days
later to about 30 persons. Of the hundreds of billions of dollars looted
since 1999, the government could only come up with 30 names.
Think about it: of thousands of people who have been
Ministers, Governors, First Ladies, permanent secretaries, party officials,
Managing Directors, Directors, ambassadors, chairmen, contractors,
commissioners, bankers, wives, husbands, money-managers and movers, mistresses,
girlfriends, the government identified 30 persons!
Thirty. Keep in mind that former state governor James
Ibori, when he fell in a London court, went down with over 10 persons that
included his wife, girlfriend, accountants, lawyers and other aides.
In addition, and as many have pointed out, the list
predictably did not include PDP members who migrated into the APC, let alone
“homegrown” APC-ers who are known for the carnage they have committed in
office.
Nor did it include any former president or vice-president,
if not for looting, then for other acts of corruption. In the case of Mr.
Jonathan, for instance, Buhari biographer John Paden said Buhari told him he
has documents showing that as President Mr. Jonathan requested and used illegal
“off-budget funds.”
But at a time that courts in Brazil ,
South Africa , Pakistan and South Korea are trying or jailing
former leaders for corruption, Buhari’s
kill-corruption-or-corruption-will-kill-us braggadocio does not include the
courage to cause the judicial examination of Jonathan, let alone Olusegun
Obasanjo.
Which brings us to the third means by which Buhari ripped up
his own anti-corruption Spiderman suit: his contempt for the judiciary.
On two occasions in 2016 and 2017, the Federal High Court
ordered the publication of a full report, on a dedicated website, of the names
of the officials, the circumstances under which the funds were recovered, and
the exact amount recovered from each public official recovered since 1999, and
since Buhari’s assumption of office.
Buhari ignored both orders.
That makes nonsense of the current name-dropping; names that
appear to have been hastily copied from newspaper reports. There is no
correlation between the names, the amounts ascribed to them, and the amounts
previously claimed to have been recovered.
How haphazard is the list? The citation for the former
Comptroller-General of Customs, Inde Dikko, for instance, excludes the 17
luxury vehicles the EFCC recovered from him in Kaduna .
This mess, and Buhari’s celebration of minor achievements,
is not why he was elected. His arrival was supposed to be
monumental, transcendental, transformational.
What is the TSA if Nigerians do not know what has been
recovered, and from whom? Why did Nigeria spend so much on the BVN
exercise if all the thieves it exposed are still being protected? Why has
Buhari ignored all the NNPC and NEITI reports, despite the tens of billions of
dollars to which they hold the key?
Buhari’s government and party have been destroyed by
incompetence, insincerity, turbulence and incoherence. It is a government at
war with, and perpetually contradicting itself, proving incapable of principle,
courage, patriotism or problem-solving. This is why there is no
change in tone or tenor in the corruption conversation.
Does anyone remember when now Senate President Bukola Saraki
tweeted in July 2014 about the APC contract with Nigerians.
“If we fail to
tackle unemployment, insecurity & improve standard of living in 2015-2019
VOTE US OUT,” he wrote [capitals his].
And similarly, in April 2016, APC chieftain Tony Momoh
confidently invited Nigerians to “stone us” if the party failed to deliver.
It has not, and why Buhari’s second term run is
ill-advised. I remind him of one Mr. Obasanjo, another former
“savior” who found eight years in the executive jet to be far too few.
And I offer this advice: Resign, Mr. Buhari, Run Home To
Your Family. Bluster is not legal tender.
*Prof Olumhense resides in the United States sonala.olumhense@gmail.com
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