By Sufuyan Ojeifo
There is common sense in the submission that the anti-corruption
crusade of the President Muhammadu Buhari’s government has slumped.
This is validated by the slipshod, ineffectual
and selective manner the administration has so far executed the vaunted
crusade.
There has been so much mismanagement of the
process, so much misapplication of the momentum, and so much floundering of the
philosophy underpinning the anti-corruption agenda. The corollary, thus, is a
concomitant contention, which will be explicated shortly.
The Buhari presidency
has politicised, ethnicised and socialised the fight against corruption to such
dimensions and in the shapes and textures that presently assault our collective
sensibilities.*President Buhari |
It has segregated between corrupt leaders of
the All Progressives Congress (APC) who are being protected and their
counterparts in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) who are being hunted; it has
drawn a line between corrupt Hausa-Fulani who enjoy sympathy and the corrupt
others who must be treated shabbily; it has put a demarcation between the
corrupt Muslims who are being preferentially treated and the corrupt Christians
who are being persecuted not prosecuted. On these bases, the war has, at best,
become a hollow ritual of comic tragedy.
Something creepy must
have terribly afflicted the administration’s sense of fairness. It is sad that
the administration has dimwittedly rubbished the base metal by which it
ascended to power.
If there was a singular most potent force or
promise of good that galvanised massive support for the candidature of Buhari
in the 2015 presidential election, it was his anti-corruption posture.
Somehow, the anti-corruption aura around him
was so palpable and tangible that a Messianic garb or vest was placed on him
with approbation.
To be sure, Buhari traversed the nation like a
saint triumphant and presented as a special guardian to a vast majority of
Nigerians who had become dispirited, supposedly, by the perceived humongous
corruption in the management of our commonwealth under the immediate past
administration of Goodluck Jonathan. Buhari’s promise to fight corruption found
anchorage in the people’s fancies and expectations.
Security and the
economy were some of the other critical promises. The belief was that once
corruption was dealt with, other issues would fall in place to produce a bigger
and complete picture of national rebirth evidenced by economic survivalism, social
renaissance and political revivalism.
But whatever must have afflicted this
administration’s sense of fairness and its consciousness of the power of good
conscience to predominate and moderate socio-economic and political
interactions has certainly dealt it the unkindest blow.
Excepting so much had been wrong all these
years with our sense of collective perception about Buhari, his existential
history of public office as federal commissioner of petroleum resources, head
of state and chairman of the defunct Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF) without knowing
it, the national consensus that produced his presidency cannot escape essential
indictment.
The consensus has unleashed on our nation such
cornucopian considerations that should not have a place in the 21st century Nigeria , to
wit: nepotism, tribalism, ethno-religious chauvinism and the impunity that we
complained about the immediate past administration.
Let me now attempt to explicate the
contention, which every Nigerian of all shades and opinions can sufficiently
speak to with the benefit of daily experience even if the contention has
continued to resolve itself in favour of Nigerians, except those who believe
that Buhari is God and, therefore, at liberty to do whatever he pleases.
The Yoruba have an
appealing catchphrase that succinctly describes one who enjoys such liberty: ase eyi owu u – meaning the person who does what he likes. But a veritable idea
cannot be driven in that writ-large fashion that questions the sincerity of the
revolutionaries
as the case is with our president.
Buhari cannot do what he likes. He is
president at our pleasure and must rule in accordance with the Oath of Office
that he swore to, among other things, do right to all manner of people,
according to law, without fear or favour, affection or ill-will. Can he
justifiably say he has done right to all sections of the country?
The obvious double standard that has, for
instance, characterised the anti-graft war has pooh-poohed the entire movement
for national moral rearmament.
The massive investment of public confidence in
Buhari that was wrapped in an electoral mandate has proved, ex-post facto, that
our prognosis was wrong. This is the conflicted and contentious reality.
If this reality had been precipitated by just
one instance, it would certainly have been overlooked as an isolated case of
leadership imperfection.
But in a situation where condonation of
corrupt acts has become a pattern, we should be left with no other choice than
to question the inclination and deprecate it.
*Ojeifo
is a commentator on public issues
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