By Alade Rotimi-John
There is an urgent requirement to investigate the circumstances,
strategy, tactics and ultimate objective of the post – Pax Britannica oligarchy
drawn primarily from among the descendants or heirs of the 1804 Uthman dan
Fodio jihadist movement. It is necessary to identify their motives among which
may be reasonably presumed the foisting of the movement’s ideology on all the
constituent parts of modern Nigeria .
To the extent that the mindless attacks of the Fulani herdsmen militia are
targeted at communities that share dissimilar religio-ethnic views with theirs;
also to the extent of the attacks’ deeply primordial nature our investigation
becomes all the more important. A disinterested outcome of our investigation is
likely to reveal or locate the truth of our search in the interstices of
history.
The indigenous people of Nigeria never had to engage the
kind of hostile or condescending external forces which the Fulani jihadists
unleashed on them in the 19th century. The people’s social conduct had been
deeply marked by the historical context of their livelihood.
Their pre-European
(or even pre-jihadist) contact fashioned systems of thought and standards of
action and responsibility that were neither confrontational nor disruptive of
the traditions of mutual or fellow feeling, of genteel conduct or of suave
disposition. “Undue radicalism” or fundamental departure from conventional or
known lifestyle, acceptable conduct or activities was alien to the people even
as life was predictable but non-complacent. It is these hapless communities
that were the un-sparing objects of the scurrilous attacks on them by the
jihadists of the 19th century. What therefore we are witnessing today is a
rehash of the orgy of blood-letting, killings and destruction visited on our people
by their un-invited guests whose ancestral homeland is ethnographically traced
to the Fouta Djallon highlands (from whence, ironically, our River Niger takes
its source). The employment of modern supersonic warfare tools e.g. AK 47,
sub-machine guns, grenades, fire or smoke bombs and I.E.Ds has confirmed the
extant nature or condition of the project conceived in the twilight of the 18th
century.
Even though the Fulani jihad of 1804-1810 is
widely regarded as the single most important highlight in the spread of Islam
in Nigeria ,
the faith had penetrated indigenous Hausa culture before the jihad. Traditional
Hausa or Habe kings drew their authority from a syncretic blend of Islam and
“pagan” precepts. The jihad itself reportedly arose, among other reasons, from
Fulani opposition to the mixing of “pagan” practices with the observance of the
tenets of the “true” faith and not as between believers against infidels. The
jihadists themselves subsequently imbibed the culture and language of their new
subjects and virtually all the previously condemned Habe institutions and
practices found their way back into the emirates as formal practices. Thus
Islam has remained inseparable from the indigenous Hausa culture. Fulani
imperialism or expansionism or what some have referred to as a thirst for
territorial aggrandizement or economic expansion has been canvassed as the main
reason for the jihad, in the first place.
Self-evidently, modern Nigeria
evinces a fundamental contradiction between the political claims of Islam and
the secular desiderata of a multi-ethnic or multi-religious state. This
contradiction manifests as the Islamic religion’s reluctance to recognise the
distinction between state and religion even as it views politics and all
aspects of social life as a dimension or extension only of religious life. An
under-current of Islamic opposition to a secular definition of Nigeria is
visibly observable and is troubling indeed. The natural quest or desire of the
people comprised within the Nigerian territory for order, restraint, mutual
respect, rationality, the resolution or reconciliation of conflicts when they
arise etc, is being rudely jolted by the unprovoked malevolence of a people
that are suggested to be insensitive to the mores, traditions and customs of their
host communities. From Oyo to Kwara, Ekiti, Enugu ,
Plateau, Anambra, Taraba, Adamawa, Edo, Delta, Kogi, Kaduna
and Benue states, it has been a trail of
blood, of deaths and of agony. A bemused nation has alarmingly looked on
expressionless even as her leadership appears curiously incapacitated or unable
to arrest the situation. The President’s silence in the matter has been deemed
conspiratorial and unbecoming in the extreme. Buhari’s Minister of Interior,
Lt. Gen. Abdulrahman Danbazau has insensitively described the violent sacking
of many human settlements and the carnage attending thereto as a mere law and
order matter. Government’s insensitivity has sparked wide-spread denunciation
of the government’s embarrassing inaction or its blatant partisanship.
Even as nomadic life is anachronistic or out
of tune with modern lifestyle, official plans for “cattle colony” or “cattle
corridor” for the Fulani and their herds will appear unduly paternalistic and
invidious. Before now in the USA ,
cattle owners obtained permission from the Surveyor-General to create cattle
routes for which they paid ahead of their trespass for damages to farms or
crops trampled upon by their rampaging cattle. Today, however, large, well-kept
ranches, farm settlements or grazing land enclosures have taken the place of
the culture of remorseless cattle herding or of aimless peregrination across
long, uncharted distances.
In the Nigerian Army, there is a culture of compensation for damage to
commercial plants and crops along the path of training activities. As the
training area is usually very large and farmers hold the fallow or unused
expanse as arable land, when cadets come training and crops or farm produce are
necessarily damaged, the army authorities pay for such damages from a prescient
Budget.
The whole country is under the eerie siege of
a murderous marauding ogre. There is an immediate requirement of official
firmness or decisiveness to stamp out the menace of a group that has been
identified by global terrorism rating organisations as the world’s third most
dangerous and highly potent international terrorist order. President Buhari’s
seeming indifference and the loud conspiratorial silence of his strategic
ministers in the face of the violent attacks by an armed column of the Fulani
herdsmen on sleepy farming communities have been reasoned as the tacit support
of the government for a nation-wide forcible take-over by the Fulani of lush
farmlands or vegetation in the wake of scientific predictions of a looming
unprecedented severe drought condition in the Sahel in the years ahead.
Further, the reluctance of the President to proclaim the armed Fulani herdsmen
as terrorists deserving the full wrath of the law is worrisome as it is a
violation of his constitutional oath of office respecting the requirement to
ensure that the mass murderers of innocent Nigerians are brought to effective
justice. Even as the President and his men enjoy immunity from prosecution
while in office, they stand the risk at the expiration of their tenure of being
subjected to world-wide international arrest warrant from the International
Criminal Court for the gruesome atrocities that happened under their watch.
President Buhari owes it an obligation to all
Nigerian citizens to stop the killings, arrest the suspects and prosecute the
killers in courts of competent jurisdiction. The convicts should be made to
face the maximum penalty for their heinous crimes. The inaction of the
President and the ineffectiveness of the security forces to curb the Fulani
herdsmen scourge have placed a huge moral burden on the APC even as its
helmsman’s nonchalant attitude to the carnage is threatening the chances of the
party’s electoral victory in 2019.
A situation in which Fulani herdsmen ride rough-shod on
farming communities is gravely impunitous and should be resisted vi et armis or violently.
*Rotimi-John, a lawyer and public affairs commentator, wrote fromAbuja .
*Rotimi-John, a lawyer and public affairs commentator, wrote from
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