By John Nnia Nwodo
1. I am grateful to
Shehu Musa Yar Adua Foundation, Ford Foundation and OSIWA – the co-sponsors of
this event for your kind invitation. I commend your foresight in convening this
conference, the first major conference discussing Biafra
outside of Igboland. Nigeria .
In hosting this conference the Yar’Adua Centre, which is best known for
promoting national cohesion, honours the legacy of a great patriot: Shehu Musa
Yar Adua. He died building bridges of understanding across our nation. I salute
his family and associates for sustaining the legacy of Shehu through the works
of this Foundation.
*New Biafran Leader, Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, taking the oath of office as the Head of State of the Republic of Biafra (May 1967) |
2. It is significant
that you have chosen to harvest sober memories of Biafra .
By so doing, you help us to wisely situate today’s talks of Biafra
in the proper context: namely, as an opportunity for nation building; and not –
as an invitation for invectives or recrimination.
3. 50 years ago, Nigeria faced disintegration by the declaration
of the Republic
of Biafra . Biafra was
born out of the political crisis which engulfed Nigeria at that time. The crisis
began with the struggle for leadership in the Western Region of Nigeria, the
declaration of state of emergency in the West, the coup of January 1966, the
counter coup of July 1966, the pogroms, the declaration of Biafra
and the commencement of a police action that turned into a three years civil
war.
4. I hope that our
gathering today may contribute to the body of knowledge or body of lessons from
the war. Lest we forget, there is wisdom in the words of George Santayana that:
those who do not know their history are doomed to repeat it. That is why I thank
you for the chance for us to collectively remember, reflect, hope and seek ways
to build anew.
5.My most heartfelt
reflection is that in the Nigeria-Biafra conflict, we can and should
acknowledge the sacrifice – in blood, suffering and toil – by millions of
citizens on both sides of that divide. They shared a common hope for their
sacrifice: namely, that out of that war, we shall build a nation where no man
is oppressed. The only difference was that for one side, Nigeria was
that nation. For the other it was Biafra .
6. Let us spare a
thought for every victim of that conflict and the crises before that: the
leaders and the soldiers, ordinary men, women and children. Each one loved
life; had hopes and dreamt dreams. They died prematurely and often, painfully.
7. For those of us that
survived the war and others who came afterwards, we are both heirs to the
sacrifices of fallen brethren. Let us commit ourselves today and always to
their hopes for peace and justice. Anytime that we are violent, anytime that we
are unjust in the exercise of our public trust, anytime we lower the ideals of
this nation, we betray them; and we act as if they died in vain. As we honour
their memory, today my worry is not only about the rising feeling of
marginalization of Igbos or any other group but that our nation may emerge from
this conflict a more united and prosperous country.
*John Nnia Nwodo President-General, Ohaneze Ndigbo |
8. At the end of the
war, in spite of a policy of no victor no vanquished by the Government of
General Yakubu Gowon, an unconscionable policy of impoverishment of Biafrans
was unleashed by the federal government. Every bank deposit of Biafrans that
had encountered a transaction whether by deposit or withdrawal was reduced to
£20. Massive savings were completely wiped out. Capacity for investment and
recovery from the war was shattered. Whilst this poverty pervaded, the
Indigenisation Decree was promulgated enabling other Nigerians, except Biafrans
to acquire commanding heights in the indigenised companies which held at that
time the critical and commanding heights of Nigeria ’s private economy.
9. Nevertheless, on the
issue of reconciliation, we must give due credit to the resilience of the
people from the war affected areas and the generosity of millions of other
Nigerians that opened their hearts and homes to their friends and neighbours
that were victims of war. In many ways, it was by these incredible citizen to
citizen relationships that Nigeria
achieved one of the most remarkable post-conflict people to people
reconciliation and reintegration in modern times.
10. Before the war
national unity was the norm. A Biafran was a member of Northern Nigeria House
of Chiefs. Biafrans lived freely and invested in all parts of Nigeria . In
Lagos Dr Azikiwe was elected leader of Government Business. Mbonu Ojike was
elected Deputy Speaker. In Enugu Alhaji Umoru Altine, a Fulani man was elected
Mayor of Enugu. Mr Willougby a Yoruba man, was Accountant General.
11.On the economic
front, the economy was buoyant. Import substitution industries grew rapidly and
were more profitable. In the North, groundnut production and export fuelled
economic growth. Textile industries flourished, agriculture boomed. Ahmadu Bello
University thrived with
outstanding international reputation.
12.In Lagos and the entire Western Region growth
was phenomenal. Cocoa
was a dependable foreign exchange earner. Cement, soft drinks, rubber, beer,
soap and other import substitution industries grew phenomenally. Lagos , Ibadan and Ife housed universities
of world standards. The first television station in black Africa
was built. The first stadium in Nigeria
was also built in the West.
13.In the Eastern
Region palm produce grew the Eastern economy. Coal was mined and exported.
Beer, cement, cashew nuts, tyres, aluminium, steel and soft drink factories
grew rapidly. University
of Nigeria was built and
run by Americans.
14. Reflecting on 50
years after the Nigeria-Biafra conflict, it would seem to me that we have made
very elaborate efforts: constitutional, political and administrative to ensure
a united Nigeria .
We must not shy away from giving our nation its due credit, after all, some
other societies with challenges like ours did not fare as well as we did.
15. However, we should
not rest on our oars. Unity is not an end in itself; and ultimately, the best
way to sustain our unity is to apply it to achieve a higher objective; namely,
nation building.
16. Our political
system is jaundiced, unfair, exploitative and unsustainable. Since attainment
of independence the civilians have not been able to agree on a political
structure. Our present constitution and the previous 1979 constitution were
impositions of the military – an unrepresentative and dictatorial corps whose
decrees were seriously influenced by the lop-sidedness of their composition.
17. The economic and
development data from Nigeria
is unencouraging in many sectors. Our law and order system including the
police, the court system and the penal system has been characterised by
impunity, incompetence and indiscipline.
18. On the global
Terrorism Index Nigeria
ranks 3rd after Iraq and Afghanistan and ahead of Pakistan and Syria . The World Economic Forum
ranks Nigeria
127 out of 138 on the Global Competitiveness Index. The UNESCO ranks Nigeria with Chad ,
Pakistan and Ethiopia as the
worst educational system in the world. Nigeria , according to the report,
has the highest number of children out of school and one of the world’s worst
education systems due to a combination of corruption, conflict and lack of
investment. In the Human Development Index of the United Nations Development
Program, Nigeria
ranks 152 out of 188 countries and is the lowest among OPEC countries. The data
points to a bleak future as we march to post-oil world without a coherent plan
to reduce conflict and build a new national consensus.
19. On the positive
side, there is a global consensus that Nigeria is highly potentiated. With
a population of about 182 million people, by current estimates; and with our
vast mineral and material resources; a well-organized Nigeria should
be a land of plenty that supports its people and a leader in the comity of
nations. Sadly, this is not the case.
20. Almost every
Nigerian is agreed that Nigeria
is not working but there is no clear consensus on why; or on what to do about
it. Some say that it is merely a problem of leadership and once that is fixed
all other things will fall in place. Others say that it is a problem of
corruption. Once you tackle that, everything will be fine. Others have said
that our problem is one of law and order; some say it is more fundamental and
has to do with control of resources, structure of the Federation and thus
requires more equitable sharing of revenue and the devolution of powers. Others
say it can be fixed with power rotation and a more level playing field. It has
been said that it could be a bit of all of the above; and that Nigeria cannot
be fixed without a fundamental change of values and attitudes. Whatever the
case, it will not profit us to pretend that we do not face existential
challenges.
21. These challenges
are worrisome; especially to our younger ones who must face the fact that the
next 50 years could be even more challenging and there is a good chance that we
could be left behind if we fail to take action today. For instance, it is
estimated in some quarters, that by 2050 – that is in 33 years’ time – Nigeria could
be the 4th most populous country in the world. That means that Nigeria , which is just twice the size of Texas ; would be more populous than all the United States of America .
Meanwhile, as of today, we have a GDP that is barely 2% of that of the United States .
22. At the same time,
in the years ahead, we could face very severe ecological challenges that will
impact negatively on our economy. The desert is encroaching southwards at a
speed of up to 6 km
per annum. Thus within 33 years we could lose about 200 km of land to the desert
– across the north. This can only exacerbate competition for arable land in the
north and elsewhere – with dire political consequences.
24. We must become more
responsive to the world around us, or we and our children will be left behind.
These are some of the fears and anxieties of our youths. We have for too long
allowed the bitterness of the war and its lingering feelings to dictate our
political relationships. The coalition that fought the war is still in control
of Nigeria engaging in
rhetoric that fuelled the war in managing renascent Nigeria . The young men and women
who were not part of the war are frustrated by this impasse.
25. Those who are in
the East fuel strong agitations for separation in the face of clear treatment
as second class citizens. War is the primary instrument of military
dictatorship while negotiation and agreement are the essential ingredients of
civilian democracy and political diplomacy. Nations are not created and
sustained by street warfare. The federal government of Nigeria must
instruct its police and army to promulgate a ceasefire and disengage from
further unproductive street warfare with IPOB and MASSOB. There are no problems
which cannot be resolved by negotiation.
26. We do not want any
more wars.We have shed enough blood without producing corresponding political
results. 50 years after Biafra the time is now
overripe for a fresh approach. We must immediately commence discussions and
fruitful negotiations about our political future. In the era of assymetrical
warfare, war is no more an easy option for states, therefore we must negotiate
our way out of a sense of national despair to a new national consensus that
unlocks our national possibilities.
27. Nigeria , blessed as the richest and the most
popular nation in Africa has enormous
potentials. Every part of Nigeria
can survive as an independent country. The North with its mineral and
agricultural potentials can build a strong nation. The West with its cocoa,
oil, indomitable intellectual know how and commerce can build another Britain . The
South South with its oil, notwithstanding its declining economic potency can
transform its area before oil ceases to be a major foreign exchange earner. The
East with industry, outstanding innovation and little oil may still emerge as
the African wonder. But none of these little enclaves will rival the capacity
of a united and reconciled Nigeria .
We must all rise up and save this nation from a trajectory that will make a
break up a more viable option.
28. The challenges
ahead are beyond Biafra . Just like the
challenge in North East Nigeria exploded in our face and has engaged our nation
for almost 9 years; we could face challenges anywhere and anytime. In my view,
if we fail to build a nation that caters fairly for all its citizens; and
prepares us for the world of tomorrow – there will be new challenges in the
future.
29. We must find
creative ways to manage a complex multi-ethnic and multi-religious state.
History teaches us that no society is static; the status quo cannot endure
forever. We must find creative ways to promote political, economic and social
justice within a nation and between the people that comprise it. If not, then
we are invariably opening the doors to future threats of chaos, disorder and
societal dislocation.
30. The final challenge
of our generation is to show that we learnt the right lesson from that sad
conflict of 50 years ago. We must bequeath our children with a nation that
works for all and one that looks ahead. We want a Federal Republic of Nigeria
which is collectively owned by all Nigerians as opposed to a Federal Republic
that will be perceived as a the private property of one group or groups of
ethnic groups depending on who is in office. The categorical destination is a
Nigerian Nigeria under the collective hegemony of the people of Nigeria . In
order to achieve this we must have a flexible federation; strong enough to
guarantee our collective defence and protect individual rights, agile enough to
react to emerging tensions and threats, yet expansive enough to allow each
state room to develop at its own pace. We must create a national order whereby
each state bears the primary responsibility for its development.
31. Today majority of
Nigerians are yearning for a restructuring of the federation. The beneficiaries
of our current system are resisting it. A famous British Prime Minister in the
wake of nationalist struggles in colonial Africa said to the British ‘there is
a wind of change blowing throughout Africa .
Those who resist it do so at their own peril’.
32. Nigeria cannot
prosper, as it should, unless we redress some aspects of our current condition.
I believe we have enough men and women of vision and experience, in every part
of the country, to help us plot a bright future. I commit Ohaneze Ndigbo to
this path. It may be difficult but it is doable.
33. True leadership
evolves in historical circumstances like this. Our country is at cross roads.
You can feel the tension every day. It is palpable, it is potent, it is real.
Let us wake up to the change imperative at this moment and claim a glorious
judgment by History.
34. Thank You for your
kind attention.
JOHN NNIA NWODO
PRESIDENT GENERAL, OHANEZE NDIGBO
ABUJA 25TH MAY,
2017
PRESIDENT GENERAL, OHANEZE NDIGBO
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