By Paul Onomuakpokpo
Weighed down by a lack of direction and adherence to
constitutionality that is a high point
of fidelity to democratic norms, the President Muhammadu Buhari government
keeps on spawning despair in the land, with massive economic collapse leading
to rampant suicide.
*Osinabjo |
Amid this, Buhari’s deputy Professor Yemi
Osinbajo appears to represent an illustrious exemplar of sanity in this
government. Although decades of serial disappointments by political leaders have
made the citizens to cease trusting them, there has been the hope that Osinbajo
could be a different kind of political leader who is only actuated by a desire
to serve the people and improve their lot.
But at first, Osinbajo proved not to be
different from other politicians. The citizens wondered why some illegalities
like the government disobeying court rulings and sacking university vice
chancellors before the end of their tenures could take place while he is the
vice president. He has been silenced by the perks of public office, so the
citizens thought.
Then came the medical vacation of the president. Osinbajo seized
the moment and renewed the citizens’ hope in government. He attempted to give a
sense of belonging to some neglected parts of the country such as the Niger
Delta whose oil is being exploited while the indigenes are being impoverished
through the loss of their livelihoods and exposure to the perils of ecological
devastation of the region. He thus became the poster boy of possibilities that
align with the wishes of the people in a democratic dispensation.
But since the return of Buhari, a certain
change has occurred in the political life of Osinbajo that would make the
citizens to doubt if he is really for them. What we now see is an Osinbajo who
is no longer concerned about respecting the tenets of democracy. Again, we are
faced with an Osinbajo who is ready to give expression to the inanities of the
Buhari government like his boss and any other official. This change has been
fully manifested in his interaction with journalists who gathered for a media
chat at his residence in Abuja .
The event was organised by the Presidency’s Office of Digital Engagement to
create a format for improved engagement with the government by the media.
At the event, Osinbajo jolted those who
hitherto believed in his good judgment by declaring that Ibrahim Magu could
remain as the Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC)
without the approval of the Senate. He went further to say that even the
president did not need the approval of the Senate for Magu to function as the
EFCC chairman. As a law professor, he cited Section 1(71) of the Nigerian
Constitution as evidence that the government did not even need to have produced
Magu to be cleared by the Senate at all.
While we may leave this aspect of the
constitution to lawyers, the fact remains that even if it is true that Magu can
remain as the chair of the EFCC without the approval of the Senate, the issue
has gone beyond this argument. Rather, the argument now is that Magu has
credibility problems. Again, lawyers often disagree on the interpretation of
the law, so Osinbajo has only offered his own understanding of the constitution
concerning the appointment of Magu and not the final position of his colleagues
in the legal profession and other citizens. While Buhari is insisting that Magu
must remain as EFCC chair, he has not deemed it necessary to sanction the DSS
that misled the Senate into thinking that Magu is corrupt.
Osinbajo defended the detention of Shi’ite
leader, Ibrahim El-Zakzaky, and former National Security Adviser, Sambo Dasuki.
By his position, the presidency has insisted that it has more wisdom to decide
what is better for the country than the legislature or the judiciary. This
accounts for the presidency choosing the court rulings it would either obey or
reject. But how does this serve the purpose of democracy that makes room for
the separation of powers? Yes, the Buhari government has succeeded at
portraying the judiciary as the bastion of corruption. But before it decides
the verdicts to reject, the government should be able to tell the citizens if
such verdicts were influenced by corrupt motives or not. Otherwise, this selective
acceptance of court verdicts only serves the parochial interests of Buhari and
his cohorts. Since the presidency is omniscient, and loves the country more
than others, it might as well work towards scrapping the legislature and the
judiciary, leaving the presidency as a monarchy headed by Buhari.
The danger is that as Buhari is selecting the
court verdicts to obey, anarchy looms. For if the spectre of the courts not
being obeyed because they have not ruled in the favour of the government hangs
over the citizens, why must those aggrieved go to courts to resolve issues on
which they disagree? This is why for the sake of the country, the legislature
and the judiciary must be vigilant. They must not allow those who claim to love
the country better than them to usurp their powers.
As we watch Osinbajo being sucked in by the politics of survival
in a political office, we are reminded of Josef Conrad’s Kurtz in the Heart of
Darkness. Kurtz is the character Conrad portrays as the embodiment of the
western enlightenment that is being chaperoned to benighted Africa .
But the tragedy is that this bearer of Western civilisation becomes consumed by
the barbarian practices he has come to wean native Africans off. The impression
Osinbajo has given is that Aso Rock is like the heart of darkness that consumes
everyone who goes there no matter his promise of difference before his arrival
there.
We do not question the intellectual
credentials of Osinbajo. Indeed, his type is welcome on a political landscape
that has been dominated by those without university degrees – of course,
notwithstanding the dismal performance of Goodluck Jonathan with a cocktail of
degrees. But what the citizens are interested in is how he has brought these
sterling intellectual credentials to bear on their lot. As it is now, Osinbajo
has been caught up in the group-think of Aso Rock or he has deliberately lent
his intellectual powers to the legitimisation of the misdeeds of the Buhari
government. Of course, we realise the need for him to be loyal to his boss. But
the expectation is not out of place that given his intellectual attainments,
when there is a clash between loyalty to the president and the constitution of
the country, he would readily align with the latter.
But for now, this is not the case. It is left
to him to use the remaining part of the tenure of the Buhari government to
redeem himself. He must purge himself of the notion that the presidency is
suffused with patriotism that no individual or group can rival. With all the
missteps of Buhari in just two years that have intolerably worsened the plight
of the citizens, it is ludicrous for Osinbajo to espouse the infallibility of
the presidency as a badge of loyalty to his principal.
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