These are testy times for the Nigerian nation state. She is
variously buffeted on all sides by the scourge of insurgency in her North-East
geo-political zone, the murderous ogre of Fulani herdsmen in the north–central
axis and in the southern states of Enugu, Ekiti, Oyo and Delta, the brimming
militancy in the South-South exemplifying itself in incessant bombings of oil
and gas pipelines in the Niger Delta, the revamped agitation for
self-determination by restive youths in the South-East, an all-time low crude
oil price, the irritable upsurge in price level, the plummeting exchange value
of the national currency, unbridled unemployment and the abysmal failure or
non-functioning of public infrastructure e.g. electricity, etc.
Of all Nigeria ’s
contemporary difficulties, however, the Boko Haram attempt to take control of
the country by force to foist on her its own brand of rabid or unconventional
Islamism and the Niger Delta militancy directed at the nation’s economic
jugular have understandably taken the centre stage. Both militant agitations must
be understood as natural human responses to a perceived unfair or unjust
political or social order even as they are a stark reflection of how remiss
successive administrations have been regarding the requirement to resolve the
contradictions inherent in the Nigerian pastiche. Only half-hearted attempts
have been made to interrogate the Nigerian national question.
The
socio-economic injustice in the Niger Delta finds unrefreshing or disturbing
parallel in the criminal neglect of the fortunes of children and young persons
in many parts of Northern Nigeria . Generally,
the Nigerian state manifests smug indifference to the plight of her people even
as the people are consequently provoked to question the legitimacy or
appropriateness of those who have been put in authority over them to resolve
the crisis of the status of their stake-holding.
Self-help is resorted to as government marshals state security and military
resources to combat the “audacity” of the aggrieved people. For instance, the
hubris or overweening pride of the state often displayed by her power wielders
defines the response of the state to the people’s protestation of the
environmental degradation or ecological scandal that is the plight of the
residents of the Niger Delta. Troops are promptly mobilised and deployed just
to put out or “crush” any protest.
The people
may be quietened but the rumbles remain loud. The Adaka Boro and Ken Saro-Wiwa
memorabilia fore-shadowing today’s restive agitations in the Niger Delta region
offer a ruminative opportunity for the present occupiers of state offices. The
impending battle in Oporoza is the a la carte or regular response of
government: make no distinction between the culpable and the innocent, the
young or aged; lump all together for violent punishment or mauling as they have
not been able to restrain their children or wards from becoming threats to the
national economy. Afterall, “All have sinned…”
The Boko
Haram insurgents and the Niger Delta Avengers (NDA) are not faceless
organisations judging by the way they openly identify with affairs and events
which they claim they brought about. Boko Haram often claims responsibility for
bombings, abductions and killings in the North East region just as the NDA is
quick to stop anyone guessing wild that it is responsible for attacks on oil
terminals, pipeline bombings, platform or tank farm destruction or the blowing
up of electricity feed pipeline in the Niger Delta.
They have
in fact made public a body of demands which, in the case of the NDA, includes
the serious consideration of the report of the 2014 national conference. That
conference has, in its report, suggested the restoration of some of the tenets
or elements of federalism as was practiced under the 1960/63 federal
constitutions e.g. the reduction of the Federal Government constitutional
responsibilities, restoration of the services that the states can offer, giving
affirmative seal to the right of ethnic nationality communities to merge with
their kith and kin in neighbouring states, taking key elements like policing,
mining, minerals, oil fields, etc. from the Exclusive to the Concurrent list,
etc.
If the
truth must be told, the main cause of the respective agitations or restiveness
all over the country today is the iniquitous official abandonment of the ethos,
values or practice of true federalism. Since 1966, Nigeria has rudely shunned the
practice of true federalism but has, instead, imposed on the people a quixotic
or strange version of that governance ideal.
Military interference in the affairs of state and a sworn regime of hegemonic
power play have self-gratifyingly versioned an unworkable unitary form of
government. But a true and sustained federal structure is as desirable as it is
imperative. It seems to this writer, granting our peculiar circumstance and our
collective yearning for prosperity, optimum utilisation of resources,
competitive development, peace, brotherliness, etc. that federalism remains our
best management option.
The
aversion for or the reluctance of the Buhari administration to have a look at
the report of the 2014 National Conference with a view to establishing the
machinery for the adoption of some of its salient provisions is disdainful of
the public weal That the President openly confirmed that he has never read the
report or asked for any briefing on it exposes him to the oft-repeated charge
by his adversaries of a lack of capacity for civil constructive engagement of
issues.
We conclude
by concurring with Francis Fukuyama that once a society fails to confront a
major material or philosophical crisis through serious institutional reform, it
is tempted to resort to a host of short time fixes that erode and eventually
corrupt its own institutions. The reluctance of the Buhari government to
confront the Nigerian national question will lead to bankruptcy in the
amplitude of its moral, material and fiscal significations and the
delegitimisation of the state itself.
*Rotimi-John, a lawyer and commentator on public affairs, contributed this piece from Owerri via rotimijohnandcompany@gmail.com
*Rotimi-John, a lawyer and commentator on public affairs, contributed this piece from Owerri via rotimijohnandcompany@gmail.com
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