By Dan Amor
For those who have a profound appreciation of power and its most penetrating insight as well, the fact of the matter, as the Italians once succinctly put it, is that power cannot be wrested no matter the paradigm one uses without certain attributes by the group or individual that jockeys after it. Popularized as the Three Cs in political parlance, any group that earnestly seeks power must be cohesive. It must be coherent. And it must be conspiratorial.
For those who have a profound appreciation of power and its most penetrating insight as well, the fact of the matter, as the Italians once succinctly put it, is that power cannot be wrested no matter the paradigm one uses without certain attributes by the group or individual that jockeys after it. Popularized as the Three Cs in political parlance, any group that earnestly seeks power must be cohesive. It must be coherent. And it must be conspiratorial.
Few Nigerians have been so persistently, so perversely and so
pertinaciously maligned in the folklore of our political evolution. Even before
Yar'Adua was officially pronounced dead, there was cataclysm in the
ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) arising from the sharp division between
defenders of entrenched interests who insisted that the North must retain power
and those who insisted that the sanctity of the Constitution of the Federal
Republic of Nigeria must supervene. That is where Jonathan's problem
started. With the intervention of the Senate, he assumed the Presidency in
acting capacity and later as substantive President. In 2011, northern
politicians insisted that Jonathan should not run, which is grossly
unconstitutional. Again, the Constitution gained upper hand, and Jonathan, in
what was considered a free-and-fair election by local and international
observers, won a pan-Nigerian mandate as the country's fourth democratically
elected President.