Is President Buhari Truly A ‘Converted Democrat?’

By Ikechukwu Amaechi

 Delivering a lecture titled “Prospects for Democratic Consolidation in Africa: Nigeria’s Transition”, on Thursday, February 16, 2015, at the Chatham House, London, the then presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress, APC, General Muhammadu Buhari, claimed he was a “converted democrat”.

*President Buhari 

“I have heard and read references to me as a former dictator in many respected British newspapers, including the well regarded Economist,” he intoned. “Let me say without sounding defensive that dictatorship goes with military rule, though some might be less dictatorial than others. I take responsibility for whatever happened under my watch.”

But he claimed that was in his earlier incarnation. He has morphed into a new being. “I cannot change the past. But I can change the present and the future. So, before you is a former military ruler and a converted democrat who is ready to operate under democratic norms.”

The applause was thunderous. Buhari claimed, without providing any proof other than the fragile reed of contesting three presidential elections, the results of which he repudiated because he lost, that global watersheds such as the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, the dissolution of the USSR in 1991, the collapse of communism and the end of the Cold War, convinced him that democracy as a system of government was unassailable.

The international community was sucked into the fantasy and vigorously promoted his candidacy. Three years after taking oath of office, the ululation has quietened and many are scratching their heads for answers, which is a surprise. Did Nigerians actually believe Buhari’s self-proclaimed ‘Damascene moment?’ Isn’t it said that an old woman is never old when it comes to the dance she knows — that old habits die hard? Anyone who fell for Buhari’s ‘Damascus Road’ yarn obviously did not reckon with the Igbo adage that says no one learns how to be left-handed in old age. But there are some people who also argue that it was good Nigerians believed candidate Buhari’s shaggy-dog story.

If not, he would have most conveniently toppled Chief Obafemi Awolowo from his perch as best president Nigeria never had. The president can no longer lay any claim now or in the future to being the country’s messiah because, to borrow a cliché, the taste of the pudding is in the eating, and in three years Nigerians have had a mouthful of the president’s dessert.

What the Buhari presidency is doing is a norm-bursting power play that is endangering our democracy because it takes more than contesting elections to be a democrat. When the Presidency whimsically ignores court orders and dissenting voices are hounded by security agents, it sets a new democracy low.

Last week, the Attorney General and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami, told the Voice of America that the former National Security Adviser, Sambo Dasuki, arrested since 2015 and granted bail multiple times by courts of competent jurisdiction, the latest being on July 2, 2018, cannot be released because a law that only himself is privy to, dictates that personal right can be violated on the altar of public good without telling Nigerians how Dasuki’s freedom of movement infringes on the wellbeing of Nigerians. In his hackneyed logic, to save Nigeria from itself, its laws that essentially regulate the conduct of both the government and the governed, must be violated. But Dasuki’s case is not peculiar.

Despite several court orders that the Shiites leader, Sheik Ibrahim El-zakzakky, his wife and other members of the Islamic Movement in Nigeria, IMN, be released from detention, government has refused to let go. Buhari is taking Nigeria down the path of tyranny. He has no respect for the judiciary and is highly contemptuous of the legislature. Egged on by duplicitous hangers-on, he holds the grandiose, but patently erroneous, belief that in a democracy only he should rule Nigeria. In flagrant violation of Section 80(2) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended), which prohibits withdrawal and expenditure of public money except as appropriated by the National Assembly, the President recently withdrew $1 billion from the public till for the so-called fight against Boko Haram insurgency and $462 million for the purchase of fighter jets from the U.S. without National Assembly’s authorisation.

He cannot claim as George Washington, America’s first president, did in his letter to Catherine Macaulay Graham on January 9, 1790 that his “station is new” or to be walking on “untrodden ground,” because as Nigeria’s president in 2015, he is not re-inventing the wheels of democracy, which was what Washington did, literally. President Washington had no precedents to fall back on. Buhari has and, therefore, has no excuse for the pervasive impunity orchestrated by executive lawlessness.

Matters came to a head on Tuesday when security operatives, in an apparent bid to abort the mass defection of National Assembly members from the ruling APC to PDP stormed the Abuja homes of the Senate President, Bukola Saraki, and Deputy Senate President, Ike Ekweremadu in the early hours. The idea was to ensure that they never left their homes and possibility to create the enabling environment for the President’s loyalists in the Senate to effect a regime change. That was bare-knuckle politics. As 2019 approaches, the gloves are off.

While they succeeded in putting Ekweremadu under house arrest, Saraki, who was to appear before the police same day for further investigation into his alleged role in the Offa robbery killings in Kwara State, outsmarted them. Expectedly, both the Presidency and the police have denied any complicity. In a statement late on Tuesday, the Presidency came out swinging against what it called relentless allegations of presidential interference in the affairs of security agencies across the country. “It is odd, strange and bizarre that while ordinary citizens can be called up to answer questions or be interrogated, the VIP cannot be questioned without the annoying insinuations of partisanship, persecution or outright politicisation,” the presidential spokesman, Garba Shehu, said. “This country cannot achieve development when important cases are viewed through a political prism and the law is considered as being applicable to some, and not applicable to others. The law of the land is intended for all, not for the poor or those at the lowest rungs of the social ladder.”

The Presidency’s justification for the manifest impunity that now walks on all fours in the land barely passes the laugh test.

But even more ridiculous is the statement by the police claiming that the authorities did not deploy the personnel that besieged the two homes and suggesting that “the police personnel seen in pictures in the media were those in the convoy of the Senate President and others attached to him.” No-matter how anyone may wish to spin it, the events of Tuesday represent a significant ratcheting up of the attacks on Nigeria’s democracy.

Repression of fundamental rights being experienced under the Buhari government diminishes the sacrifices made by ordinary people who resisted military dictatorship, which he was a primary beneficiary. But one thing is certain. When roused, Nigerians don’t roll over. And President Buhari ought to know that. After all, he was there with General Sani Abacha when the late maximum ruler roused Nigerians with the same malevolent tendencies. How it all ended is still recent history.

The Moral Debris Of Ex-President Jonathan’s Looted Home

By Louis Odion, FNGE

Vanguard editorial, in my view, belongs in the heavyweight echelon of Nigeria's commentariat. The weight of its punch is to be judged not only by the resonance of the message over the years; but also its economy of phrase - the uncanny facility to say a lot in so few words, packing so much into so little a space.

Dr. Goodluck Jonathan 

But its edition of August 3 must rank among those that fall miserably short of the high value it normally espouses. In the comment entitled, "Looting Of Ex-President Jonathan's Home", the newspaper said every thing expected against the cops-turned-burglars and those who trafficked the stolen goods. 

What would have been a fine argument against yet another iniquity of man was however sullied when, in the next breath, it openly sought to either deny anyone the right to outrage against Jonathan on any count whatsoever or make a villain outright of those unable to express pity or empathy with the victim on this matter. 

It wrote: "No decent human being can claim that what took place in ... President Jonathan's house is excusable on any ground. All people of conscience must rise up and condemn evil, no matter who is involved. The atmosphere of hatred which seems to have seized the people of this country by the throat must be made to give way to empathy for one another, as that is the only way we can build a united, strong country."

President Buhari, Dialogue Matters

By Paul Onomuakpokpo

With an air of imperial finality, President Muhammadu Buhari has ruled out the possibility of holding a dialogue on how to resolve the crises in the Niger Delta. From initially pretending to support a dialogue with the leaders of the region, Buhari has moved to declaring that there are no credible leaders to talk with in the region and now finally that a dialogue is not even necessary. He says the problems of the region are already known.

The position of the president which was articulated by Vice President Yemi Osinbajo during his visit to the Niger Delta seems to be only about the oil-rich region. But it actually reflects the stance of Buhari concerning the whole country. Buhari does not want any dialogue; all he wants is for the citizens to be quiet, wait patiently as he hands them a roadmap for the development of the country. But this approach of Buhari is not acceptable to the citizens simply because he cannot be trusted to take the right decisions on their behalf. Any roadmap for development that Buhari contemplates can only be tilted to suit his askew sense of development and equity.

As regards the Niger Delta, Buhari can only end up like his predecessors whose sense of development without the input of the people from the Niger Delta has paved the way for the gleeful allocation of oil blocks to people from other parts of the country while the indigenes of the region are neglected. Past governments were aware of the despoliation that has resulted from oil exploration in the region, yet they failed to take any significant step to address the situation. From Isaac Boro to Ken Saro Wiwa, the agitations by the people of the Niger Delta for development of their oil-ravaged region have often been met with brutal responses.

Or can the people really trust the president when he has failed to begin the process of the development of the Niger Delta almost two years after he came into office? And now it was not even the president, but his deputy, who went to the region after so much prodding. If the president were really sincere, he should have gone to the Niger Delta himself to understand the urgency of looking for solutions to the problems of the region. And he should have done this earlier. Rather, he has been preoccupied with how to crush agitators in the region. There is a good reason to suspect that what Buhari is doing is just verbal pacification to secure a peaceful environment for him to get more oil to run his government. With the history of Buhari’s lackluster responses to injustices in different parts of the country, the people of the Niger Delta have good reasons to be skeptical about his avowed developmental roadmap for the region. These responses have perpetually diminished our humanity, collective and individual, and thus we are obliged to be eternally vigilant in accepting his promises.

Double Life In The Buhari Presidency

By Paul Onomuakpokpo

It is only those who have been inordinately enamoured of the Buhari presidency who are now shocked at the bleak fate that has befallen its anti-corruption campaign. But for critical observers who have been contemptuously branded as the stabilising forces for the regeneration of an era reeking with corruption, the campaign was bound to suffer a calamitous end. It was expected, like most of the policies that have been associated with the Buhari government, to be afflicted with the reverse Midas touch. Indeed, the crash of the anti-corruption campaign that has been so much-hyped as the lynchpin of the Buhari government’s quest for the development of the country is symptomatic of the failure in every other provenance of governance in this current administration.

*Buhari 

Clearly, the policies of the government are sullied by a certain antithesis to the improvement of the wellbeing of the citizens because they have been underpinned by unrelieved provincialism that has made them turn out badly. In the case of the anti-corruption, it was bound to fail because the presidency did not pursue it in a way that would have ensured its success. There was no way it would have succeeded when it was not targeted at all corrupt persons who have benefited from the national treasury at the expense of the common good. It was rather targeted at perceived or real enemies of the president, his cronies and political party. This is why politicians who are patently corrupt keep on decamping to the All Progressives Congress (APC) to seek protection from prosecution. And this is why those who consider their political careers endangered by decamping from their parties keep on taking full pages of advertisement pledging their support for Buhari and his anti-corruption campaign. If they knew that whether they decamped or pledged support for the anti-corruption campaign they would be prosecuted, they would not bother themselves with all this.

Because it was not to serve the interest of the country, Buhari did not bother to prosecute the campaign in line with the constitution of the country. The campaign that should have been for the whole country became defined by an us versus them mentality. It was thus inevitable that Ibrahim Magu who knew that he had breached fidelity to constitutionality in a bid to please the president would end up resorting to the same illegality to enrich himself at the expense of a genuine and selfless anti-corruption fight. With the approval of Buhari, Magu prosecuted an anti-corruption campaign that brooked no obedience to the rule of law. Court judgments were remorselessly disregarded. In this atmosphere of illegality, a former National Security Adviser Col. Sambo Dasuki is being held in detention despite judgments from the nation’s courts and even the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Court of Justice.