By Chidi Anselm Odinkalu
A Judge who takes advantage of the judicial office for personal gain or for gain by his or her relative or relation abuses power…. such abuse of power profoundly violates the public’s trust in the judiciary. Code of Conduct for Judicial Officers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Rule 8:3 (2016)
*Justice Kekere-Ekun-CJN
Eight and a half years ago, in May 2017, a viral audio clip circulated which was said to be a conversation between a male Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and a female judge who, in the preceding year, presided over an election petition involving the Senator.
In
the sound-clip, both could be heard importuning one another. The female voice
asked the Senator to ensure that whatever he delivered, he must “make it in
USD” and sought reassurance from him in securing a job for her daughter in the
public service of one of the states of the Niger Delta.
The
male voice seemed deeply solicitous of her wishes in a conversation that did
not leave much to the imagination in terms of both the subject matter and the
quid pro quo.
It
was believed at the time that the sound-clip involved a judge who served at the
head of an election tribunal that dismissed a petition against the Senator in
respect of a contest for a seat to the upper chamber of the National Assembly
in one of the states in the Middle Belt of Nigeria in the 2015 general
elections.
A subsequent petition to the
Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC)
by some non-governmental organisations for an investigation into the sound-clip
and its contents ultimately yielded little.
The
principal characters in the dramatic sound-clip have since then gone on to
prosper in a fashion that Nigeria uniquely makes possible. After being
eventually extinguished from his seat, the distinguished Senator opted to read
for a degree in law. The contents of the sound-clip were not an issue when in
July 2025, first the Body of Benchers admitted him to the Nigerian Bar and then
the Supreme Court duly enrolled him to practice as a lawyer in the country.
In
February 2021, the judge widely alleged to have been the voice in the
sound-clip rose to become the Chief Judge of a State High Court in one of the
six states of the Niger Delta.
It
appears the daughter mentioned in the sound-clip eventually got the promised
job. Her career as a State Counsel prospered in meteoric fashion. 13 years into
her life as lawyer, in the last quarter of 2025, she got promoted to become an Assistant
Director in the Ministry of Justice.
In
the second week of January 2026, she will visit Abuja where a committee of the
National Judicial Council (NJC)
presided over by a senior Justice of the Supreme Court will interview her for
the highly coveted position of a seat on the Bench of the Federal High Court.
She goes in with insider advantage against a candidate ten years her senior at
the bar and who, it seems, was actually was ahead of her on merit.
That seat is one of 14 judicial
vacancies in the Federal High Court to be filled in the first quarter of 2026.
In all, the NJC committee is reportedly scheduled to interview 28 candidates over
a period of three days. 24 of the candidates are from 12 states and territories
in Nigeria, namely: Abia, Akwa Ibom, Cross River, Enugu, Imo, Kaduna, Kwara,
Plateau, Sokoto, Taraba, Zamfara, and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).
The
NJC Committee will include at least two retired Justices of the Supreme Court;
a retired Justice of the Court of Appeal; the current president of the Nigerian
Bar Association, and one of his more recent predecessors. The Committee will
also interview four candidates from Nasarawa State, which has two vacancies.
The Federal Judicial Service
Commission (FJSC) did the shortlisting for the 28 candidates. That stage of the
process involved, among other evaluations, a computer-based test (CBT) and an
aptitude test in relation to both of which each candidate is scored but the
scores are not published. It is no surprise that such an opaque process lends
itself to deserved controversy around three issues.
First,
some “unsuccessful” candidates have accused “judicial authorities of manipulating
results and shortlisting candidates who allegedly failed the qualifying
examination.” It is claimed that some of the candidates on the final shortlist
of 28 scored as low as 30% or even 25%.
One
person alleged specifically that “the name of the person who scored the highest
in the test was excluded from the list”, claiming that the person was a
candidate from a state in south-east Nigeria. This will not be a first time
that such an allegation will be made in relation to judicial appointments into
the Federal High Court. As long as the FJSC and the NJC remain unwilling to
publish the scores of all the candidates, it is impossible to discount these
allegations.
Second, at its 108th meeting on
April 29-30, 2025, the NJC decided that “henceforth, the FJSC, all judicial
service commissions or committee of the FCT, shall publish the names of all
candidates recommended for judicial appointment. The primary objective of this
initiative is to solicit comments from the general public regarding the integrity,
reputation, and suitability of these candidates for judicial office.”
At
the time, this seemed impressive. In reality, it was a sleight of hand. The
grounds for public input at this impractical stage defined by the NJC are
limited to issues of “integrity, reputation, and suitability” of the
recommended candidates. But if a decision has been made to recommend a
candidate, then these issues would already have been considered. In effect, by
the time a candidate is “recommended” for judicial office, the effective
opportunities for public objection have in fact been foreclosed.
Third,
therefore, the only viable ground at this stage for objection to the process
would be the integrity of the appointment process itself. This is arguably the
most important issue engaged by this present appointment round into the Federal
High Court Bench. Rule 11(iv) of the Judicial Code of Conduct requires that “in
the exercise of his administrative duties, a Judicial Officer should avoid
nepotism and favoritism.”
Yet,
it is difficult not to look upon the short-list that the NJC committee will be
interviewing next month as anything other than an advertisement of nepotism and
favouritism. The list is rich with children or candidates of serving or retired
senior judges, some of them involved in the process.
The
judicial daughter mentioned earlier in this piece is by no means the only
insider on the list. The candidate to be appointed from Kaduna State, for
instance, is guaranteed to be a second generation judge; both candidates to be
interviewed from the state are scions of former judges. Of the two candidates
from Abia State, one is the child of a serving judge.
Akwa Ibom State also features a
preferred candidate who works with and is adopted by a serving senior judge who
may himself even be involved in the interview process. Taraba State has a
similar story and these are just random examples.
This pattern populates the entire shortlist without disguise or shame.
Humanity
elsewhere does not know a thing like the judicial gene. It only exists in
Nigeria. One tweep describes what passes for judicial appointment process in
Nigeria as “filiality via conjugality.”
It
seems evident that Nigeria’s process of judicial appointments has become
largely performative, rigged to the pre-determined end of preferring children
into judicial hereditaments occupied or recently vacated by their parents or
patrons. Rather perversely, the so-called reform decided upon by the NJC in
April 2025 of publishing the names of candidates “recommended” for judicial office
is designed entirely to lend legitimacy to a pre-determined process in clear
violation of the Judicial Code of Conduct.
The
Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN) has an opportunity in this present round of
hires to the Federal High Court Bench to course-correct. As a first step, she
should publish the scores of all candidates throughout the process. That will
reassure the public about her commitment to liberating judicial appointments in
Nigeria from continuing abduction by the forces of capture, conjugality and
abuse of power.
*Odinkalu,
a lawyer and teacher, can be reached at chidi.odinkalu@tufts.edu

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