By Olu Fasan
Nigeria is one of the very few countries where politics is the most attractive human endeavour, where holding a political office is more profitable than running a business. In Nigeria, politics is the quickest route to wealth, thanks to outrageous salaries and allowances – Nigeria’s federal legislators earn far more than their American counterparts – and corrupt self-enrichment.
In Nigeria, politics is largely a quest for private gain rather than public good. But nothing entrenches these perversities more than the lack of strong institutions and active citizenry. For not only do the system and the citizens allow wrong politicians to get to power, there’s virtually no institutional or societal pressure to hold elected politicians accountable.
In recent weeks, some prominent Nigerians have
lamented this situation. First, Rotimi Amaechi, former governor of Rivers State
and Transport Minister, balked at contributing to public discourse. “What’s new
to say,” he said. “Nigerians don’t react to anything. Nothing bothers
Nigerians, nothing.” In a TV interview, Bishop Matthew Kukah, the
Catholic Bishop of Sokoto Diocese, said: “The political class will continue to
behave the way they do largely because we let them do so,” adding: “Our duty
and responsibility is to constantly make those who govern us feel uncomfortable
if they are not performing well.” Lastly, Professor Pat Utomi, renowned
political economist, argued that “the major problem of Nigeria is the docility
of its citizens,” saying: “Nigerians are at home with anything thrown at them.”
A few centuries ago, the
philosopher Joseph de Maistre famously said: “Every nation gets the government
it deserves.” He meant that it’s up to the citizens of every nation not only to
elect the right leaders but also to hold them accountable. Unfortunately,
Nigerians don’t perform these sacred duties; they don’t act as a bulwark
against bad leadership. Dr Segun Aganga says in his book Reclaiming the Jewel
of Africa: “Our greatest weakness is the Nigerian citizen who needs to be
reminded what it means to be a citizen all over again.”
But what do theories of social
and political change tell us? In his book Why Change Happens, Professor Cass
Sunstein, renowned American legal scholar, argues that social and political
change occurs when people are willing to challenge a status quo and their
resistance reaches a critical mass, a tipping point. What pushes citizens to
that level of resistance?
Well, in a paper titled
“Democracy, Development and Conflict”, Professors Paul Collier and Dominic
Rohner, of Oxford University, posit that pressure for change is inevitable in
countries where poverty and inequality are rife, and the quality of political
and economic governance is poor. Then, in their book Why Nations Fail, Daron
Acemoglu and James Robinson argue that without pressure from citizens, a
government may not perform and serve the public good.
Truth is, Nigeria defies the
above theories. Although Nigeria is ripe for radical social and political
change, given the extreme levels of poverty and inequality and the abysmal
levels of political and economic governance, there’s hardly any pressure for change.
Even if there are pressures, the critical mass, the tipping point, necessary
for the dam to burst, for change to happen, is never reached. Thus, change
eludes Nigeria, which remains sclerotic!
In many countries, the first
line of resistance against bad leaders and governments is strong and
independent institutions, followed by robust and fiercely independent media.
But, as Professor Collier rightly points out, some governments can’t tolerate
strong institutions, such as independent legislature, judiciary, electoral
body, central bank, anti-graft agency, etc., and don’t want probing media.
Indeed, in Nigeria, the preference is for strong personalities rather than
strong institutions. And while Nigeria’s media are largely free and vibrant,
they are subject to outright hostility from government. For instance, recently,
the NGO, Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project, SERAP, sued the
president, Bola Tinubu, for banning 25 journalists from covering the
Presidential Villa!
But if Nigeria’s institutions
are weak and the media can’t operate as they should, where should pressure on
government come from? Undoubtedly, from the citizens themselves, through
non-violent resistance. Sadly, Nigerian government typically suppresses
peaceful protests, a legitimate tool in a democracy, whereas civilised
democracies allow them. Yet, even without statist suppression, societal
pressures are rare in Nigeria. Why? I adduce four reasons.
Tribalism tops the list.
Recently, a relative told me: “Please tone down your criticism of Tinubu in
your column.” I asked why he never said that when I criticised President Buhari
and his government for eight years. “It’s different,” he said, adding: “Tinubu
is one of us.” Well, he’s a fellow Yoruba. Livid, I told him I abhorred any ethnic
game. But most Nigerians play ethnic and religious games, which politicians
selfishly exploit. Consequently, it’s hard for any pressure for change to reach
a critical mass, a tipping point, in Nigeria.
The second reason is Nigeria’s patron-client system.
Many Nigerians vote at the direction of politicians whose patronages they
enjoyed. For instance, the thousands who gathered daily in Tinubu’s house in
Lagos for stipends, and those thuggish motor-park illiterates enriched and
empowered through his patronage, will defend him to the hilt. The same is true
of other politicians who used their patronage powers to acquire fanatical
supporters. Such blindly loyal followers, who are part of Nigeria’s
patron-client networks, are enemies of change.
Then, there’s the detached
middle-class. In many countries, the middle-class are a powerful force against
bad government because they have more to lose if things go wrong. But in
Nigeria, the non-politically-connected middle-class live in splendid isolation.
They have their own generators for electricity, they secure their own clean
water, they provide their own internal security, etc. In other words, broadly
speaking, politics doesn’t affect them in a discrete and tangible way. Thus,
apart from a few active NGOs, most of Nigeria’s middle-class don’t agitate for
change and, indeed, hardly ever vote.
Finally, taxation. In countries
where most people pay taxes, there’s a strong demand for good governance. Why?
Because everyone sees government as the steward of their hard-earned tax money.
But, with tax-revenue-to-GDP ratio at 6 per cent, most Nigerians and businesses
don’t pay taxes. As such, the expectations of government and demand for
performance are extremely low. Yet, whatever the reasons, the failure of active
citizenship will entrench bad leadership and bad governance in Nigeria. No one
will change Nigeria except Nigerians!
*Dr.
Fasan is a public intellectual
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