By Reuben Abati
Yesterday morning, while on the flagship show of Arise News – The Morning Show - I took special notice during the newspaper review with Emmanuel Efeni and the segment titled “What’s Trending” with Ojy Okpe, of the editorial by the ThisDay newspaper of the day titled: “Interim Government: Perish The Thought”.
I pointed out that having been Chairman of the Editorial Board of a major Nigerian newspaper for 11 years, before moving on to other engagements in the public sphere, I am aware that when a newspaper publishes its editorial on the front page, as ThisDay did yesterday, it amounts to screaming, an outcry, a shout out, a call for urgent attention and a signal that the subject being talked about is most important.
Ordinarily,
a newspaper’s opinion is planned for the editorial pages, but when it jumps to
the front page, it means the newspaper’s board considers it a high priority
issue. I argued that the newspaper acted rightly by putting this
particular editorial in its window space. I also concurred with all the
submissions by the newspaper. The purpose of this piece is to expand the
subject further, and develop some of the points that may not have been fully
fleshed out in a restricted editorial writing space.
ThisDay
pegged its editorial on the declaration by Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu,
Presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), last week, in
Ekiti, that there is a hidden plan to subvert the 2023 general elections so
that an interim government can be imposed on Nigeria. The paper writes wisely:
“Although Tinubu did not mention names or elaborate on how this scheme would
work, coming from the candidate of the ruling party at the centre, such a
weighty allegation is enough for us to warn against any attempt to scuttle the
presidential election slated for February 25.
Whatever
may be behind an idea of interim government, we must remind them that in the
Nigeria of today, nobody can get power through the back door or by trying to
foist their will on the collective.” The newspaper argued further that
(1) any attempt to short-circuit the electoral process is unacceptable; (2)
that three weeks to the elections, the idea of forming an interim government is
diversionary and dangerous; (3) that the idea is unknown to the 1999
Constitution and the military cannot be co-opted to support such illegality;
(4) that there is no mortal threat to the 2023 general elections, where there
are challenges, those challenges must be addressed by the state because it is
its duty to do so by addressing the current twin challenges of cash and fuel
scarcity and finally (5) the Federal Government must support the electoral
umpire, INEC with logistics including security arrangements while the
President is expected to stand firm and protect our democracy.
The
newspaper concludes: “Let all those interested in power use the platform of
electoral politics and let’s all have faith in the in-built self-correcting
capacity of the democratic order.” I cannot agree more. The editorial is
timely and pungent enough. It is worthy of attention and further elaboration.
The
idea of an Interim National Government was a contraption introduced into
Nigeria’s grammar of politics and governance by the military administration led
by General Ibrahim Babangida when in August 1993, having messed up the general
elections of June 1993, Babangida decided to “step aside” (in retrospect,
whatever that meant) and chose to hand over power to an interim government
headed by Chief Ernest Adegunle Shonekan.
The
interim government lasted from 27 August 1993 when it was formed till 17
November 1993, less than 90 days when it was dissolved by General Sani Abacha
who had been left behind by Babangida as Secretary of Defence, and who thought
that becoming a Head of State of Nigeria was his turn, not Shonekan’s. This
“Emilokan” thing did not start yesterday in Nigerian politics. Shonekan was a
lawyer and a prominent technocrat who rose to the headship of the United
African Company (UAC) in Nigeria.
He
was the product of a deal hatched with the British and other stakeholders.
It all ended in tears. For the 88 days that the ING was in power, the country
drifted. Strikes by union workers. High inflation. The media refused to
co-operate. The South West media called the government – “fidihe” – in Yoruba
language, this means sitting on a chair with one lap of the buttocks, in other
words, not sitting properly.
Pro-democracy
groups protested about the rot that Babangida left behind and called for a
recognition of the mandate of the Nigerian people that had been won by Basorun
MKO Abiola in the annulled June 12 Presidential election. A Lagos High Court in
fact nullified Shonekan’s position and declared the ING illegal.
On
November 17, 1993, General Sani Abacha, Secretary of Defense, as he then was,
forced Shonekan to resign. It was the shortest-lived government in Nigerian
history. The Head of the ING could not put up any resistance. He had no control
over the troops. He was a seasoned technocrat, a board room guru, who
found himself in the uncharted waters of Nigeria’s power game, far more complex
than what suit-wearing, overpaid executives do in air-conditioned board
rooms. He didn’t need too much persuasion for him to drop a resignation
letter and embark on a rapid dialogue with his legs. The ING collapsed. Abacha took
over. What followed was absolute chaos and anarchy. Nigeria is yet to recover
from the agony of Babangida’s folly and Abacha’s tyranny!
The
idea of an Interim Government then was unconstitutional then as ruled by the
court of Justice Dolapo Akinsanya of the High Court of Lagos who declared that
the Decree No 61, that brought the ING into power was unconstitutional and
therefore null and void. It was not only the Constitution that faulted the
legitimacy of the ING, Shonekan’s appointment stood on nothing.
He was
an appointee. He did not gain power through a coup or an election. He is
the only Nigerian leader at the centre, in history, who was not allowed to
exercise the powers of a Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. His exit
from power was a major turning point in Nigeria’s century-old relation with the
United African Company (UAC), formerly, the Royal Niger Company, a grand symbol
of colonialism and imperialism.
The
sub-text of the editorial by this newspaper is that history should not be
allowed to repeat itself. With the return to democracy since 1999, the kind of
impunity with which the military junta treated the laws of the land should not
be allowed. The soldiers may have left the scene, but their civilian
successors and the soldiers now wearing flowing, bulbous civilian gowns, have
the same mind-set: to do as they wish and subvert the people’s will. In 1993,
it was said that General Olusegun Obasanjo, as he then was, was the person who
recommended Shonekan, his kinsman for the position of the Head of the ING. It
is also being said currently that the idea of an ING is being led by the same
Obasanjo. He has a duty to clarify his position on the matter. I share the view
that Nigeria does not need an ING. I also think nobody, male or female, should
allow himself or herself to be used to subvert the current electoral process.
The
military thought they could get away with it in 1993, but they could not. They
did not. This country does not belong to a cabal, or whatever name they go by –
it belongs to all of us, and indeed ordinary Nigerians have a say in the
matter. The sub-text of the editorial by ThisDay newspaper under
reference is that any attempt to scuttle this year’s general elections in
Nigeria would be an act of sabotage or treason. And nobody born of a
woman, or not of a woman, who claims to be Nigerian should agree to be used as
a dummy to mess up this 2023 election process.
To
state the matter as it is, Nigerians have invested a lot in this process. They
have queued up to get registered. They have spent weeks trying to get their
Permanent Voter’s Cards, (PVCs) which is the only object recognized by the
Bi-modal Voters Registration System (BVAS). The deadline for the issuance of
PVCs by INEC ended over the weekend, but the desperation exercised in the face
of the incompetence of INEC officials, and the protests by the people indicate
that this would be an election like no other since 1999.
This
much was confirmed by a poll result by Nextier, a polling agency which apart
from predicting a likely run-off, says there will be a high voter turn-out this
year, contrary to suppositions to the contrary. Billions of Naira have
been spent on logistics at national and sub-national levels. Political parties
have crisscrossed the country wooing the electorate for votes, chalking up huge
costs in the process. Some of the Presidential candidates even took their
campaign to Chatham House in London to seek the endorsement of our former
colonial masters.
Some
of the Presidential candidates and their acolytes even danced and almost broke
a hip at campaign rallies across the country. Since the flag off of
campaigns by INEC in October 2022, the country has witnessed a campaign
different from whatever we witnessed before this seventh cycle of elections
since 1999. It would be a tragic anti-climax for the government to wake up
tomorrow and declare that there would be no election or that an Interim National
Government had been formed. We must all be reminded that 1993 is not 2023. The
military may have escaped with their folly, but this time around, the civilians
in power must learn not to provoke the people.
Those
who are pointing to fuel scarcity and the re-design of new naira notes as an
excuse for the imposition of an interim government or potential mayhem, are
engaged in deliberate mischief. They do not mean well for this country.
President Muhammadu Buhari must see these calls as an attempt to ensure that
his administration ends on a very bad note. General Babangida tried the same
gambit in 1993. He has not recovered from the damage. President Buhari has
promised Nigerians consistently, and that has been echoed by the INEC that the
elections will hold as scheduled, and that chosen dates are sacrosanct.
Anything
to the contrary would amount to gross insincerity and dishonesty and a dark
blotch on the Buhari tenure as Nigeria’s President. It is his choice to make
but we also have a duty to point out that Nigeria must not be turned into a
game of ping-pong. Those who do not want the 2023 general elections to take
place are enemies of the people. The Buhari government has no option. This
election must hold. Not even the lee-way offered in the Constitution is
available in the circumstance.
Nigeria’s
Constitution is very clear about the tenure of elected Presidents and Governors
of Nigeria: its four years in the first instance and a second and final term of
an additional four year-term. Any form of extension beyond this limit is a
violation of the Constitutional order which elected persons swear to defend. In
other words, the tenure of an administration cannot be extended by fiat, not
even for a day. In that regard, the tenure of Buhari’s administration effectively
ends on May 29, 2023. He cannot stay a day longer.
He
cannot leave an Interim Government behind. It is in his interest not to leave
office as a civilian President who broke the law and left chaos behind. There
is a possible outlet in Section 135 (3) of the 1999 Constitution which states
that “If the Federation is at war in which the territory of Nigeria is
physically involved and the President considers that it is not practicable to
hold elections, the National Assembly may by resolution extend the period of
four years mentioned in subsection (2) of this section from time to time, but
no such extension shall exceed a period of six months at any one time.”
Section
135(3) or its relation, Section 180 (3) of the 1999 Constitution cannot be
invoked under the present circumstances. Nigeria is not physically at war with
any country either internally or externally. In fact, one of the selling points
of this administration is that President Buhari has been able to checkmate the
Boko Haram elements who tried to turn the North Eastern part of Nigeria into a
battle-field. Any attempt to use that as an excuse would be an admission of
failure.
Can
Buhari afford to dismantle his own legacy as he defines it in that regard? The
only war that others point to is a war between the haves and the have nots: the
classical war of the classes between those who cannot have access to new notes
and fuel supply, and the vast minority who in the midst of all of this, are
living like ants in the midst of honey.
The
aggrieved are beginning to take to the streets in parts of Nigeria, driving up
fears in the country that there may well be a clandestine plan to blow up the
country and stop the elections. But that does not amount to any justification
to invoke Section 135 (3). If the people are angry over fuel supply, give them
fuel – very simple. If there are no new notes – push more money into
circulation, that is what the people want.
The
cash scarcity matter has now even become so ridiculous that three Northern
state governments are going to court – Kaduna, Kogi and Zamfara to seek an
order to compel the Federal Government and the CBN to extend the deadline for
the validity of the old N200, N500, and N1, 000 notes. The three states are all
ruled by members of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in a further
demonstration of how 18 days to Nigeria’s general elections, the ruling party
is locked in intra-party wrangling. In the meantime, an Abuja High Court has
barred the President and the CBN from suspending, stopping, or extending the new
currency and cash limit policy.
The
motion ex parte which was filed by the Action Alliance (AA), Action Peoples
Party (APP), Allied People’s Movement (APM), and the National Rescue Movement
(NRM), against the President of Nigeria, the CBN, the Governor of the CBN and
23 others as respondents was determined in favour of the plaintiffs, and the
matter adjourned to 14th February 2023. Thirteen political parties are also
threatening to pull out of the election! Nigeria is being turned into a “Fuji House of Commotion.”
In case anyone is tone-deaf, President Muhammadu Buhari’s tenure ends on May
29, 2023. He must not spend a day longer in the Presidential Villa. He must not
leave any surrogates behind, in the name of an interim government or any such
contraption. The National Assembly of Nigeria must not lend itself to any form
of mischief, cooked up by the enemies of Nigeria. The minimum that President
Buhari is obliged to do is to leave this country as he met it – a civilian
democracy, even if badly wounded.
*Dr
Abati is public affairs analyst and TV personality
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