By Uzor Maxim Uzoatu
Nigeria today stands on wobbly legs, and what needs to be done to make the country to stand steady and strong is to go back to where the rain started beating the country in the modern day.
At independence in 1960, Nigeria was said to stand on a pivotal
tripod of East, West and North. The 1967-70 Nigeria-Biafra war ensured that the
North in alliance with the West defeated the East.
The oppressed minorities of course took sides with the victors
because nobody would ever want to be in the corner of losers.
That is a simple historical fact, and any other embellishments only exist to
serve expedience.
According to Michael Crowder in The Story of Nigeria,
“When the British occupied Nigeria they had almost no contact with the large
Ibo (sic) and Ibibio population of the East, whilst already many Yoruba had
received English education and provided a small intellectual elite in Lagos.
Population pressures and land hunger in the East forced many Ibo and Ibibio to
migrate to the cities of the West and North, where they proved remarkably
successful as clerks, railway workers and storekeepers.”
In The Trouble With Nigeria, Chinua Achebe writes: “Nigerians of
all other ethnic groups will probably achieve consensus on no other matter than
their common resentment of the Igbo.”
Achebe continues thusly: “The origin of the national resentment of the Igbo is as old as Nigeria and quite as complicated. But it can be summarized thus: The Igbo culture being receptive to change, individualistic and highly competitive, gave the Igbo man an unquestioned advantage over his compatriots in securing credentials for advancement in Nigerian colonial society.
Unlike the Hausa/Fulani, he was unhindered by a wary religion and unlike
the Yoruba unhampered by traditional hierarchies. This kind of creature,
fearing neither god nor man, was custom-made to grasp the opportunities, such
as they were, of the white man’s dispensation. And the Igbo did so with both
hands. Although the Yoruba had a huge historical and geographical head-start,
the Igbo wiped out their handicap in one fantastic burst of energy in the
twenty years between 1930 and 1950.”
The
fear of the other tribes could not have been assuaged by Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe’s
statement, to wit: “It would appear that the God of Africa has created the Ibo
nation to lead the children of Africa from the bondage of the ages…”
When Majors Emmanuel Ifeajuna and Patrick Nzeogwu struck to end
the wobbling First Republic, the coup was tagged an “Igbo Coup” even though the
plotters had planned, according to them, to release Chief Obafemi Awolowo from
prison and compel him to rule the country.
On why the coup-makers wanted Awolowo as the leader of the country, Major Ifeajuna wrote in his unpublished manuscript: “Chief Awolowo launched forth his party on a platform of tribalism, and for his parochial and partisan approach to national issues, he got deserving blame. But probably in the later Awolowo of after the 1959 Federal election that began the fiasco, our people saw for a second time an image of honesty, courage and discipline… In time he came to win the respect and admiration of even his greatest detractors, and what was more, he came to represent a rallying point for the young and the intellectual, for all that sought progress and nationhood for our country.”
Major-General Aguiyi-Ironsi who took over after the failed coup
announced the Unification Decree, which took the fear of Igbo domination to a
fever pitch. Thousands of hapless Igbo were massacred in the North during the
pogroms of 1966 until Ironsi himself was killed and toppled in the revenge coup
of the Northern officers.
After
taking over power, Gowon had prepared a speech to announce the dissolution of
the Nigerian Federation on August 1, 1966 and the secession (araba) of the
North until he was prevailed upon to change his mind by the British High
Commissioner in Lagos, Sir Francis Cumming-Bruce.
As the British did not want Nigeria dissolved, enormous support
was given to the Federal forces, with the help of then Soviet Union, to defeat
secessionist Biafra led by Odumegwu-Ojukwu.
Historically, the British had faith in the government of the
feudal emirs of the North and the highly organized if decadent kings of the
West as opposed to the rebellious and almost ungovernable Igbo and minority
republics of the East.
There was talk after the war by Gowon of reconstruction,
rehabilitation and reconciliation, but progress on all fronts is neither here
nor there.
Frederick Forsyth captured the dire times at the end of the war in
his book The Making of an African Legend – The Biafra Story thusly:
“Back in the heart of Iboland (sic), some of the cream of the educated Ibos
(sic), perhaps 10,000 in all, went to work for the Nigerians. For the masses of
the Ibos, farmers and small traders, artisans and clerks, the road was hard.
But they got by, working all hours of the day and half the night, building up a
sort of life again. They silently rejected the Lagos Ibos proposed to them by
the Gowon government.”
There
is no escaping the fact that injustice to one means injustice to all. Nigeria
can hardly ever afford any measure of growth without addressing the concomitant
matters of justice and equity.
The contradictions of Nigeria are staring back at the nation, and
the truth that cannot be dodged remains that unless the other leg of the tripod
is fully reintegrated into the country, Nigeria can only at best be living on
wobbly legs and borrowed time.
*Uzoatu is a jounalist, poet, playwright, essayist and scholar
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