By Banji Oyelaran-Oyeyinka
It is the
devil’s excrement. We are drowning in the devil’s excrement. —Juan
Pablo Pérez Alfonso, Founder OPEC.
All in all, I wish we had discovered
water. —Sheik Ahmed Yamani, Oil minister, Saudi Arabia
Ordinarily, finding a “treasure” tends to bring joy to the one who found it. Oil discovery has become Nigeria’s developmental Achilles’ Heel: in popular parlance, a Resource Curse. Six decades after independence, Nigeria remains one of the poorest countries in the world. It has evolved into one of the least economically diversified country in the world because of a pathological dependence on oil export earnings. The COVID-19 pandemic exposed the dangers of such dependence in ways never experienced in the past. The yoke of Nigeria’s colonial past of being a supplier of raw materials rather than a processor of commodities resulted in a country of a net exporter of crude petroleum and importer of products mired in perennial debate about “fuel subsidy.”
The legacy of oil-dependence also
translated to a Nigerian production ecosystem dominated by foreign oil
multinationals whose sole purpose is to explore, extract and export resources
with zero value-addition in situ. Relying on oil has done little to stimulate
growth in the rest of the economy. The manufacturing sector contribution to GDP
has stagnated at below 10 percent for decades. The country has achieved neither
an agricultural (green) nor an industrial revolution.
How does this come about? Oil-dependence sets in motion a strong
exclusionary effect on other sectors leading to the underdevelopment of
manufacturing capacity for industrial exports, and export of processed
agricultural goods. This pathology of dependence is significant and troubling.
It has resulted in severe perennial fiscal contraction and other economic
challenges including unemployment, inflation, and payments imbalance
manifesting in foreign exchange shortages.
Let
me advance the first of three pathologies that characterize oil-dependent
countries. Nigeria shipped $33.5 billion worth of goods in 2020. The biggest
export is crude oil, a commodity that represents three-quarters (75.4%) of its
total exported goods by value. With a population of 206 million people, the
total export value translates to roughly $160 for every person. Compare a
country like Malaysia. In 1990, Malaysia’s export was $32.8 billion. Nigeria is
at where Malaysia export capability was 30 years ago. That country with a
population of 33 million people, exported goods worth $234 billion in 2020,
which translates to roughly $7,100 for every resident. In other words, Malaysia
progressed; it did so through a strong Vertical Diversification from its modest
agricultural base (rubber and oil palm) by investing explicitly in high tech
sectors capabilities, especially electronics. It did not neglect its
agriculture but rather through horizontal diversification, industrialized its
agricultural sector. Malaysia’s biggest export products by value in 2020 were
electronic integrated circuits, refined petroleum oils, palm oil, vulcanized
rubber clothing or accessories, and solar power diodes or semi-conductors.
Petroleum oil contribution to Malaysia’s export declined over time.
On the other hand, Nigeria’s pathology of oil dependence became
entrenched over time. Nigeria’s oil exports in 2019 were 94.1% of total
exports, oil rents amounted to 9% of GDP. The poorly diversified structure of
the Nigerian economy reveals a constrained export revenue of the country. The
oil and gas sector make only a small contribution to GDP despite generating the
majority of export earnings. By nature, the Oil and Gas sector is a highly
technology and capital-intensive industry relative to agribusiness and other
low/medium manufacturing sectors (textiles, garments, leather processing,
consumer goods etc.), employs relatively few people. The oil sector is an
enclave, geographically delimited.
According to OPEC, Nigeria spent $264.57b importing petroleum products
during the five-year period 2015 to 2020, which means that Nigeria’s petroleum
products imports exceeded its exports by $43.56b during the period.
The
second pathology is the paradox of industrial underdevelopment. This manifests
in part, in the so-called resource curse. It refers to a paradox of a country
that finds treasure like oil or/and minerals resources yet, the country
experiences poor or stagnant economic growth. It is the classic paradox of
poverty in the midst of plenty. More insidious, the resource curse results to a
situation where a country’s means of production are concentrated in a single
industrial sector, in this case, oil production to the detriment of tradable
especially, manufacturing. Disturbingly, decades after oil discovery, the
country does not produce the materials and equipment used in the exploration
and production; the sector therefore has limited horizontal inter-connection to
the domestic economy. There is minimal domestic manufacturing input in the oil
sector, especially in the oil product refining.
Effectively, Nigeria is a consumption nation. It is not a
production (manufacturing) nation. Oil-dependence truncated Nigeria’s
industrialization and by implication its development. How is that? The faster
the growth of manufacturing, the faster the growth of a nation’s GDP
(wealth). This is why Nigeria ranks 99th on UNIDO’s Competitive
Industrial Performance (CIP) index while South Africa, ranked 52nd in 2020.
Third, is the pathology of inequity, including, social/divisions,
economic/income, and political/voice amidst natural resources abundance. In
terms of quality of life, in 2019, the country ranked 161st on the human
development index. The same applies for all the twelve oil-exporting countries
in Africa. Clearly, without exception, minerals and oil producers in
sub-Saharan Africa score low HDIs, they all experience widespread and
economically debilitating inequality that fuels conflict and divisions such as
we are witnessing in banditry and kidnapping.
In contrast, Asian nations have become rich over the last five
decades by manufacturing and exporting high quality goods and services to
others. Nigeria will remain poor unless it truly engineers economic
diversification. For example, 70% of global trade in agriculture is in
semi-processed and processed products. Africa is largely absent in this market
while the region, Nigeria included, remains an exporter of raw materials to
Asia and the West.
How
did a potential treasure find turned to a curse? To be sure, oil abundance is
not by itself a curse or a blessing. What determines the development trajectory
of such a treasure include the nature of a country’s political economy,
policies and the institutional context within which the country operates. Oil
in Nigeria became a curse for four reasons among others.
First, elite greed for power and money. Politicians expend oil
revenue to extend patronage and entrench cronyism as the next election not the
next generation is their mission. Second, as oil revenue services a patronage
system, the State has no incentive to please citizens and less so to invest in
say Tax administration. This is why Nigeria has the lowest tax to GDP ratio
(6%) in the world. The average for Africa is 17%. The third is the voracity
effect/cost of government: politicians living and spending oil revenue lavishly
while majority of the citizens languish in poverty. Last, there is a lack
of long-term vision for economic development and economic diversification. In
sum, rent seeking policies have resulted in resource curse that fuel corruption
and citizens’ grievance, triggering of civil conflict, ethnic fractionalization
particularly in the context of dysfunctional institutions. For now, the country
is stuck on low-growth equilibrium trap engendered by too long a reliance on
“easy-come-easy-go” oil money. Up until now, this country has treated natural
resources as an everlasting resource and for such reason, failed to diversify
its economy. This has to change urgently.
More critically, the time of reckoning has finally arrived because
Nigeria, like all oil-dependent nations will face gradually declining
investment flows in their hydrocarbon industry as pressure to meet global
emission targets intensify.
It is not too late. The country has abundant land and other agricultural
resources to become an agribusiness super-hub in the next ten years. Let all
elites agree to an agenda of building the Special Agro-Industrial Processing
Zones (SAPZs) in all states of the federation.
*
Prof. Oyelaran-Oyeyinka, is Senior Special Adviser on Industrialization to the
President, African Development Bank. He is a Professorial Fellow, United
Nations University-MERIT, the Netherlands and a fellow, Nigerian Academy of
Engineering.
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