It is a sickening reality in Nigeria that defection, the
act of leaving one political party for another, also known as carpet –crossing
or what the eminent poet and humorist, Uzor Maxim-Uzoatu called “Jumpology” (the political act of
jumping from party to party), has been elevated to the height of a national
ideology.
This glamourisation of political prostitution by Nigerian politicians signals the death of commonsense. Before the December 2013 defection of 37 members of the House of Representatives elected on the platform of the then ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the then opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) in an open show and fanfare, four PDP governors had led the way in a much more rehearsed, media pampered braggadocio in November 2013.
Many Nigerians believed that despite the larger implications of the defection with regards to the 2015 political permutations, nothing had really changed. Nigerians who are no longer shocked or surprised at the sheer gejunity of the defection gale which has seen some politicians changing parties more than they change their agbada, have unanimously called for a stop to this wayward political culture.
Consequently, the 2014 Abuja Federal High Court order
asking the 37 lawmakers who defected from the PDP to the APC to resign their
positions as members of the National Assembly, had been hailed by well-meaning
Nigerians who are interested in a clean break from the ugly past and present
when politics is played without adherence to any democratic ethos, ethics and
principles. Justice Adeniyi Ademola, in that courageous and landmark judgment,
told the lawmakers that they had lost their competence, to vote or contribute
to any proceedings in the House declaring that the legislators had no moral or
legal sanctity or authority to be called Federal lawmakers having defected from
the party on whose platform they won election to the Green Chambers. That
judgment had aborted the conspiracy of the then opposition (APC) politicians
who thought that with a simple majority in the House they could change the
House leadership and proceed to impeach former President Goodluck Jonathan.Many Nigerians believed that despite the larger implications of the defection with regards to the 2015 political permutations, nothing had really changed. Nigerians who are no longer shocked or surprised at the sheer gejunity of the defection gale which has seen some politicians changing parties more than they change their agbada, have unanimously called for a stop to this wayward political culture.
With the slamming of a perpetual injunction on the House restraining the defecting
lawmakers from effecting any leadership change in the House of Representatives,
Justice Ademola had once more demonstrated that it is the judiciary that has
the legal and moral authority to interprete the constitution as the safety
value or sole arbiter of the common-man. Despite the mixed reactions that
trailed the judgment depending on which side of the divide one was common from,
the message had been sent already without equivocation or compromise, that
there is a huge awakening in our collective journey to the comity of democratic
nations of the world. But if you think that the judgment favoured only the PDP,
then you got it wrong. Careful watchers of party politics all over the world
are worried over the wanton derogation of our democracy by this ugly phenomenon
of defection. What makes it even more beguiling is that because people go into
politics not to serve but to loot the national patrimony into their private
pockets, the moment they are less favored with the largesse of office in their
current party, they jump the boat to where they feel their interests would be
protected.
Whether they belong to the ruling or opposition party,
these people have been part of the decadent Nigerian system, and are experts in
the manipulation of the Nigerian people for selfish political gain. Even as the
political pendulum appears to be tilting towards a balanced two-party political
arrangement, which is good for the growth of our democracy, our politicians can
still reclaim their reputation and the sanctity of their high offices, so
severely muddied by the debauchery of defection if they resigned from the
position which they got on the platform of their former party in spite of any
precedent or not. This is more so because our constitution does not recognize
independent candidature but political parties. The young are taught that in a
democracy all power resides in the people. And that in a free enterprise system
all authority rests with the sovereign consumer operating through the
impersonal mechanism of the market. For a politician to now defect from a party
on whose platform he won the people’s mandate to another without surrendering
the mandate to the people amounts to undermining sovereignty which ultimately
belongs to the people. This position, according to John Kenneth Galbraith, the
erudite Paul M Warburg Professor of Economics Emeritus at Harvard University ,
in his seminal, The Anatomy Of Power, is sacrosanct.
In fact, the case of the 37 lawmakers had exposed the
soft underbelly of our lawyers who are easily polarized along party lines. It
is sad that even members of the so called radical wing of the bar, are consumed
by this shameless partisanship in our polity. It is the obituary of ideology.
Supposing Chief Gani Fawehinmi (SAM, SAN) were to be alive, he would have
hailed the exquisite judgment of Justice Ademola, meaning he would have voted
for justice, morality and commonsense and not sheer theatrics and propaganda.
The country needs judicial activism and radical judgments like the type
delivered by Justice Ademola for this fledgling democracy to stabilize. It is
indeed the duty of the Supreme Court to promote the growth and stability of
this democracy and the unity of the country. For instance, in the history of
the democratic development of the United States of America , the
Supreme Court, especially under the leadership of Earl Warren, led a judicial
revolution that reshaped many social and political relationships in that
country. The Warren Court
had often plunged the US
into bitter controversies as it decreed an end to publicly-supported racial
discrimination, banned prayers in public schools, and extended constitutional
guarantees to blacks, the poor, Communists and those wrongly detained by the
police.
If therefore our new-breed politicians cannot rise above
parochial group or personal interests, what moral justifications have they to
criticize the existing backward-looking social system in our society? Or when
shall our polity emerge from the dark laboratory of revolting dissembling and
ethno-religious cross-breeding? Politics must always profess and end in view which,
roughly speaking, appears to be a decent and mature struggle for power and
judicious allocation of resources. The politician’s task, therefore, appears to
be clearly cut out for him; and it ought to be comparatively easy to decide
whether be performs it satisfactorily, and in general, what kinds of political
actions are useful and what are otiose. But on giving the matter a little
attention, we perceive that politics, far from being a simple and orderly field
of activity from which impostors can be readily ejected, is no better than a
Sunday park of contending and contemptuous orators who are yet to arrive at the
articulation of their differences. Here, one would suppose, was a place for
quiet co-operative labour.
The politician, one would suppose, if he is to justify
his existence, should endeavor to discipline his personal prejudices and
cranks, tares to which we are all subject, and compose his differences with as
many of his fellows as possible, in the common pursuit of responsible politics.
While it is very necessary to tolerate the practice of radical politics as a
vital weapon for the social advancement of any given nation; while it is very
necessary for us to realize that there are certain national issues that
transcend personal or even tribal sentiments, it is also very necessary for us
to cultivate the habit of objectivity as an inevitable therapy for political
survival-all in business of moving our nation forward. But we find out that the
fair-weather politician owes his livelihood to the intellectual convalescence
and political chicanery of his time, or else, to some trifling oddities of his
own which he contrives to season the opportunistic positions which men already
hold, and which, out of vanity or sloth they prefer to maintain.
Our intolerant politicians must address themselves to
this nagging pestilence. The gale of political defection must be halted for
this democracy to stabilize no matter the party involved. The judiciary has the
whip. And the revolution ought to have started with the landmark judgment of
Justice Ademola which, incidentally, was not obeyed and on which basis he was
recently haunted out of the Supreme Court. The 2014 illegal defection of former
Speaker of the House of Representatives Aminu Tambuwal from PDP to APC had
reinforced this argument. He had not even tendered his defection letter to the
House and he was causing hoopla in the media. Invoking the doctrine of
separation of powers to buoy up our growing intolerance is the acme of
deception. There is no water-tight separation of powers anywhere in the world
without checks and balances. Many 'gain' politicians who jump into the fray for
what they can get or to protect their business interests are the ones who have
murdered ideology in politics. A careful investigation into the profiles of the
top brass in APC shows that apart from President Muhammadu Buhari, Asiwaju Bola
Ahmed Tinubu, Chief John Odigie-Oyegun, and a few others, every notable
personality in APC defected from PDP when political fortune failed to favour
them. Owelle Anayo Rochas Okorocha, the jester who is governor of Imo State
was in PDP. He defected seven times from one party to another and on the eight
time, he rode on the platform of the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) to
clinch the diadem.
Also, Dr. Orji Uzor Kalu, who was governor of Abia State
between 1999 and 2007 on the platform of the PDP, is the current town-crier for
President Buhari in APC. Senator Abdullahi Adamu was governor of Nasarawa State between 1999 and 2007 on the
platform of the PDP. He became Secretary of the party's Board of Trustees after
which he became a senator on the platform of the PDP. Today, he is the most
vocal agent provocateur of APC in the attack of PDP. Governor Ibikunle Amosun
of Ogun State was a PDP senator who defected to
the Action Congress of Nigeria when he lost out in the race for the
governorship ticket of his erstwhile party. Today, he is an APC governor. Ditto
Alhaji Aminu Masari the governor of Katsina
State who was Speaker of
the House of Representatives on the platform of the PDP. In fact, 20
politicians who are sitting governors in their respective states and more than
40 APC senators including the Senate President Dr. Abubakar Bukola Saraki who
was governor of Kwara
State for two terms, were
in PDP. The figure is even more in the House of Representatives. These are the
jesters and political prostitutes who are painting PDP black with their list of
looters. Until we adhere to the tenets of the moral law which stipulates that
anyone who decamps from his party must resign from the position he attained
through the party, this nonsense will continue. Whether we believe it or not,
this shameless act of jumping from one party to another for selfish political
dividends, is at the root of our political and economic quagmire.
*Amor, a public affairs
analyst writes from Abuja
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