About a fortnight ago, the head of state, President Muhammadu
Buhari, summoned all the security chiefs in the land to Aso Rock villa, where
he gleefully, categorically and unambiguously announced to them that he had
approved the sum of US $1 billion for the procurement of military hardware
to strengthen the armed forces to prosecute the war against insurgency in the
North-East more effectively.
This announcement, which was made in the full
glare of TV cameras and broadcast nationwide, elicited a deafening and
rapturous applause from the security chiefs present.Responding on behalf of all the security agencies, the Chief of Army Staff, Lt.-General Tukur Buratai, who was obviously beside himself with joy, expressed his unstinting gratitude to the President, assuring the latter that the money would be spent judiciously for the purpose for which it was approved.
As far as the President and the security chiefs were concerned, it was “c’est fini”, a fait
accompli: the next step was the chiefs to begin to withdraw
the approved money from the Excess Crude Account (ECA), a
controversial creation of the former, much maligned ruling party, the People’s
Democratic Party (PDP)!
But then a cacophony of criticisms and unabating furore erupted everywhere in
the country about the unilateral, unconstitutional and illegal approval by
the President of such a humongous amount, any amount, of money, not in an
Appropriation or Supplementary Appropriation Act.
Inveighing against the presidential appropriation of such a colossal sum of
money for the purchase of military hardware less than one year before the
general elections, the main opposition party, the PDP, said its investigation
revealed that the presidency deliberately avoided the National Assembly to
avoid legislative scrutiny and accountability, thereby paving the way for the
diversion of the fund “for partisan purposes.”
Not a few lawyers
vociferated blue murder, and then the National Assembly started threatening
fire and brimstone.
The provisions of the almighty Section 43 of
the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended) on
impeachment might be invoked! Excruciating furnace heat!! And the presidency
was forced to make a painful volte-face:
One of the senior advisers of the President fulminated against the impatience of Nigerians: “No”, he said, “approval doesn’t mean approval; if the critics were patient enough and had asked the Senior Special Assistant on National Assembly Matters, they would’ve known that the request for the US $1 billion was on its way to the National Assembly!”
I broke into raucous laughter that drew tears from my eyes!
At this point, some gnawing questions are thrown up: Does the President summon all the heads of the MDAs for meetings to announce his approval of executive Bills that are on their way from the Presidency to the National Assembly for consideration?
One of the senior advisers of the President fulminated against the impatience of Nigerians: “No”, he said, “approval doesn’t mean approval; if the critics were patient enough and had asked the Senior Special Assistant on National Assembly Matters, they would’ve known that the request for the US $1 billion was on its way to the National Assembly!”
I broke into raucous laughter that drew tears from my eyes!
At this point, some gnawing questions are thrown up: Does the President summon all the heads of the MDAs for meetings to announce his approval of executive Bills that are on their way from the Presidency to the National Assembly for consideration?
What elicited the excitement of the security
chiefs about a bill that what yet to be submitted to the National Assembly let alone
considered and passed by that body? Or were convinced beyond doubt that the
National Assembly would simply rubber-stamp what the President
had APPROVED?
Does presidential approval precede
parliamentary consideration and passage of a bill and presidential assent?
Can’t anyone in the presidency see that the President had placed the cart
before the horse?
Why the humongous sum of US $1 billion (or
about N.1 trillion) for military equipment to combat Boko Haram insurgency
that was “technically” and later “completely” defeated over two years ago? Or
are these powerful adverbs merely the effusive concoctions of an inveterate
popinjay?
Section 82 of the Constitution empowers the President to authorize withdrawal of moneys from the Consolidated Revenue Fund of the Federation (not from the ECA) for a period not exceeding six months if the Appropriation Bill in respect of any financial year is not passed into law by the beginning of the financial year: Is the procurement of military hardware with US $1 billion in the 2018 budget?
Section 82 of the Constitution empowers the President to authorize withdrawal of moneys from the Consolidated Revenue Fund of the Federation (not from the ECA) for a period not exceeding six months if the Appropriation Bill in respect of any financial year is not passed into law by the beginning of the financial year: Is the procurement of military hardware with US $1 billion in the 2018 budget?
Did the presidency imagine that his powers to
authorize withdrawal of moneys from any of the public funds, such as the ECA
and the Sovereign Wealth Fund (SWF) equate with the powers improperly conferred
on the President by section 305 (1) (2) of the Constitution to issue a
proclamation of a state of emergency before informing the National Assembly via
the official Gazette of the Federal Government in which the proclamation has
been published?
Section 162 (1) of the Constitution provides that all revenues collected by the Federal Government shall be paid into “the Federation Account” (FA), and in subsection (3) thereof, such revenues “shall be distributed among the federal, state and local government councils…”
Section 162 (1) of the Constitution provides that all revenues collected by the Federal Government shall be paid into “the Federation Account” (FA), and in subsection (3) thereof, such revenues “shall be distributed among the federal, state and local government councils…”
It stands to reason, therefore, that, if some
revenues which ought to have been paid into the FA are deposited into some
other public funds, such as the ECA and the SWF, all such stray revenues
belong, not to the Federal Government alone, but to all the three tiers of
government.
Ipso facto, any withdrawal from such a public
fund must enjoy the concurrence of the National Assembly, all 36 State Houses
of Assembly (not of caucus of the 24 governors of the ruling All Progressives
Congress (APC) and of the 774 local councils.
In any event, the National Assembly must be involved in the appropriation of
public funds.
Section 80 (4) of the Constitution is emphatic
that “No moneys shall be withdrawn from the Consolidated Revenue
Fund or any public fund of the Federation, except in the manner
prescribed by the National Assembly” (underscore mine).
Sections 4,5 and 6 of the 1999 Constitution of
the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) enshrines the doctrine of
separation of powers among the three arms of government—the Legislature, the
Executive and the Judiciary.
Section 81 (1) (2) of the Constitution allows
the President to prepare an Appropriation Bill, including all the heads of
expenditure (other than expenditure charged upon the Consolidated Revenue
Fund).
One wonders why the U.S. $1 billion request
was not included in the Appropriation Bill sent by Mr. President to the
National Assembly about five months ago. Or should that amount of money and the
President’s express, even though unconstitutional “assent” thereto be read into
the meaning of a Supplementary Appropriation Bill, which he impliedly passed
into law by his public approval thereof?
At this stage of our socio-economic, political and cultural development as a nation-space, with a written constitution, it is imperative that we must insist on the rule of law as a guiding principle and be vigilant lest we unwittingly allow the surreptitious ingress of autocracy, the very antithesis of democracy, into the body politic.
At this stage of our socio-economic, political and cultural development as a nation-space, with a written constitution, it is imperative that we must insist on the rule of law as a guiding principle and be vigilant lest we unwittingly allow the surreptitious ingress of autocracy, the very antithesis of democracy, into the body politic.
There is need to be alert and stand solidly as
watchdogs to watch the activities of any ruling political party so that we are
not dragged into a bottomless abyss of chafing autocracy and noisome
authoritarianism.
Nigerians had haplessly endured military
rigorism for over thirty years of its chequered history. The rule of law and
the due process of law must not only hold sway but must be seen to do so!
It is also important that all the handlers of
this and any other President should meticulously study any situation (be it in
the socio-economic, financial or legal realm) before allowing the President to
plunge into it to his or our detriment. Verbum sat sapienti est!
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