"For what Ricardo foresaw
was the end of a theory of society in which everyone moved together up the
escalator of progress. Unlike Smith, Ricardo saw that the escalator worked with
different effects on different classes, that some rode triumphantly on the top,
while others were carried up a few steps and then were kicked back down to the
bottom. Worse yet, those who kept the escalator moving were not those who rose
with its motion, and those who got the full benefit of the ride did nothing to
earn their reward. And to carry the metaphor one step further, if you looked
carefully at those who were ascending to the top, you could see that all was
not well here either; there was a furious struggle going on for a secure place
on the stairs.”
—The Worldly Philosophers: The Lives, Times And Ideas Of The Great Economic Thinkers by Robert L. Heilbroner.
*Oluremi Tinubu |
Remi Tinubu’s outburst on the seeming side-line
of her hubby, Bola Tinubu, by the Muhammadu Buhari administration illustrates
the existence of an acrimonious struggle for dominance by actors in the
political space. It connotes the very fact that the poor masses of Nigeria are not the
only victims of the serial subterfuge by politicians who find their thumbs
useful before elections only to find their faces unworthy after.
But with the
investiture of Ms Tinubu to the wailers’ club, the masses at least found consolation
in the reality of jungle life as reflected in the present configuration of
forces striving for political dominance and influence. In a twist of fate, the
flag of political cannibalism was hoisted on Bourdillon, reducing an acclaimed
think tank, with all its boisterousness and efficacy to a mere thin tank!
To the
naïve, Remi’s disillusionment at the use-and-dump tactic of the
president is a national or perhaps regional insult. To these persons confusing
a clash of personal interest with an infraction against our collective
sensibilities, Tinubu is the voice of the Yoruba, embodying in totality, the
mood and aspirations of the people. With this puerile mindset, an affront on
his person is nothing but an affront on the millions of people in the
south-western part of the nation. This thinking takes one back to antiquity,
for while the rest of the world have since entered the race to surge toward
post-modernity, local dwellers continue to wander in the illusion that the fly
has still not realised the foolhardiness inherent in the pursuit of a carcass
to the grave.
The less
fortunate citizens, who have been subjected to evil-living conditions which
both Bourdillon and Aso Rock are insulated from, must engage their reasoning
faculties to situate their place in this country. Such an intellectual task
would mirror to them the grim reality of their wretched conditions as a direct
fallout of the perfidious acts of members of the political class, for save the
very fact that the leadership space has been reduced to a safe house for
mediocrities—from the legislative clown who found it amusing cutting a ribbon
on an electric pole to the constituted authority who left his backyard to go
wander in a Danish ranch—the people would have had no difficulty reconciling
the class war amongst members of the political elite as a rare opportunity to
shatter the ethnic and religious conundrums they are entangled in to rally
fellow disenchanted citizens toward changing the present order.
Remi Tinubu’s
frustration at the government of President Buhari has very little to do with
the advancement of the nation’s political and economic hygiene but from the
restrictions placed on her husband's sphere of influence, one characterized by
political cronyism and debasing meddlesomeness. Tinubu pushed his luck too far
by thinking that his pervasion of Lagos’ and regional politics was beyond the
preying eyes of an insecure public—north down south, east through west, four
cardinal points, complete. As a regional leader, he authored an oxymoronic
script of reverse fidelity, reducing party loyalty to a devotion to his person.
For almost two
decades, the nation stood in utter disbelief as he blazed in the euphoric
contradictions of wearing a crown on a stool built on the firm principles of
republicanism, exaggerating the power of his thumb beyond singularity. He
wallowed in the presumption that his fellow politicians suffered from the
condition of acute forgetfulness and memory shot-termism which the mass of the
people are afflicted by without realising that each time he had his way against
men and women who queue to vote during his party primaries only to learn that
an aspirant who barely participated had been declared winner, the ambitious
hawks outside of his region oil their defence mechanisms that prepare them
against him replicating such on a national scale.
This is not to
imply that he had an easy ride within his region as his over domineering
attitude pitched a number of Young Turks against him. In a feel of political
opportunism, the PDP lingered to see the exit of Babatunde Fashola from the
Action Congress when the former Lagos
governor was engulfed in a battle to save his soul from Tinubu’s butt in.
Kayode Fayemi, like his Lagos
counterpart, found it bewildering to have his administration tied to the apron
strings of our subject. Olusegun Mimiko got Tinubu’s money to reclaim his mandate
but slyly avoided his chains.
While these
were ongoing, the hawks who realised how impossible their shot at the
presidency would be without an alliance with the Tinubu camp kept rapt
attention. Even before the merger was put into motion, they had already
formulated strategies to curtail Tinubu’s excesses. The aftermath is seen in
Kogi and Ondo States , the national assembly and
presidency. The stalemate in Kogi afforded both the hawks and Young Turks the
first opportunity to test-run their offensive, deploying both executive and
judicial might to install the misfit, Yahaya Bello, to the consternation of
all. Rotimi Akeredolu also rode on to power with his soul intact, effecting a
master plan birthed from a protesting breast.
At the national
assembly, the duo of Bukola Saraki and Yakubu Dogara had very little to fear
having got the backing of a soulless opposition. The coup was swift and
penetrating. It had every inkling of painstaking preparedness. At the
presidency, the contrasting demeanour of Muhammadu Buhari and Bola Tinubu made
the whole thing look easy. With the ethnic card in the pocket of the former,
only the constitution could get in his way of wanting to extend his parochial
worldview to the nation’s governance architecture.
Remi mounted
the dais to foist her frustrations on us because she understood the psyche of
Nigerians and their penchant for entering the ring when the circumstance
clearly requires spectatorship. Nigerians would do well to jettison the belief
that political infighting could in any way trickle-in some goodness into the
polity. They must go back to history to learn that when the dust settles, the
rabid misogynist, Dino Melaye, would invite Yahaya Bello to bed; Buhari shall
unclad his chauvinistic apparel to announce Tinubu as his brother, and Shehu
Sani in all possibilities would call his constituents to a feast of
reconciliation with his miniscule adversary, Governor el-Rufai.
Just as it was
impossible in ancient days for the rampaging elite of command societies to
either agree or disagree strictly on the basis of the ordinary people,
Nigerians must isolate themselves from the fight Ms Tinubu indirectly asked
that they partake in.
They lost yesterday, they are losing today, and they will lose tomorrow. The
only chance the masses have got at winning is to see both parties as inimical
to their collective aspirations. They've got to see Ms Tinubu's wail for what
it really is: a furious struggle going on for a secure place on the stairs.
*Modiu Olaguro is a
commentator on public issues (dprophetpride@gmail.com)
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