By Charles Onunaiju
Following the desperate push to get him out of office and the
eventual capitulation of former President Jacob Zuma to the intense pressure by
his own party to quit, dark clouds hanging over the country since the December
elective national conference of the ruling party, which narrowly produced Mr.
Cyril Ramaphosa as the leader of the party has not and will not be clearing
soon.
Mr. Ramaphosa, former labour organiser, ANC top stalwart
turned tycoon and now President of the Republic
of South Africa has promised a new
dawn, not only for his country but for Africa .
Given that inaugural speeches in Africa by
newly triumphant helmsmen are replete with such boisterous and optimistic
rhetoric, it will be more reasonable to wait and see the magic wand that Mr.
Ramaphosa wants to wield.
However, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa and former President Jacob Zuma |
The nature of
exclusion of the majority of the black and other
coloured population did not take the form of simple political
exclusion, but the structural framework in which the productive base and the
market process was systematically built and skewed out of their skilled
competence and consumption pattern. The main front for anti-apartheid and
nationalist activities for the demand of majority rule, African National
Congress, ANC, founded in 1912 contained a broad framework of tendencies not
only the achievement of majority rule but a thorough-going restructuring of the
economy to address the entrenched structural bias of the economy, against the
black population.
Nelson Mandela became
President to great global acclaim, coming mostly from western media and
political establishment who have initially described him a terrorist along with
the organisation he led. Concerned with his international stature as a
statesman and bridge-builder, former President Mandela was mostly devoted
to his notion of political reconciliation aimed at building a rainbow country.
The sustaining economic infrastructure of the apartheid system based on
economic exclusion did not get considerable attention as the theoretically and
ideologically advanced tendency within the ruling ANC, which worried about the
consequences of perpetuating the structural marginalisation of the voting
majority were burgeoned to silence.
In the absence of
radical restructuring of the economy, new emergent stalwarts of the former
liberation movement made remarkable in roads in the deliberately carved-out
offshore economy that left the mainstream undisturbed by the rhetoric of
majority rule and multi-party political process. It did not take long for the
politically off-shored economy to be overwhelmed by state
patronages giving rise to the serious charge of corruption and state
capture that dogged the Jacob Zuma Presidency.
Between the mainstream
economy still riddled with apartheid-era structures and the tiny off-shored
liberal economy is the wide gulf of rudimentary economy in which majority of
the South Africans subsists. The occasional misdirected or mistargeted violence
against foreigners identified as Xenophobia is actually the concentrated
expression of the frustrations brought by inequality and shrinking space of
productive economic activities.
Even the vaunted
corruption that is held to have allegedly flourished under former president
Zuma cannot be seriously expected to disappear despite the tough talk of
president Ramaphosa. Angry politics that arose from the crises of expectations
which followed majority rule will continue to express itself in the mutation
and fragmentation of political tendencies. The ruling African National Congress
must seek to express itself in its historical consensus to build an inclusive
economy in which workers and other working people would be prime stakeholders.
This core historical consensus of the ANC, which defined it as a broad
patriotic front of all anti-apartheid forces would have to be revisited and
re-articulated. The historic gesture of national reconciliation flagged off by
former President Nelson Mandela can be enriched and made more meaningful with
an inclusive economic process whose structures would reflect broad aspirations
of the majority of the population to engage productively in continuous value
multiplication.
The ruling African
National Congress cannot engage perpetually in musical chairs of leadership
turnover, each phase uglier than the one that preceded it. The movement has a
rich revolutionary history of creative and imaginative policy platforms drawn
from its experience in the evolution of the anti-apartheid struggle. In its
greatest moment of need as now, it is not the sound bite of the new helmsman
that would matter, but to draw from the revolutionary experience and collective
wisdom of the movement whose finest activists and combatants legacies can
be instructive in the reflection of the direction not taken and also options
still open to realize one of mankind’s historic aspirations, paid with blood
and great sufferings.
The thoughts and work
of Chris Hani, leader of the South Africa Communist Party and chief of staff of
the armed wing of the African National Congress (ANC) who was assassinated on
the 10th of April 1993 can be instructive. Chris Hani was a charismatic leader
and the most popular ANC leader after Nelson Mandela. He was mostly considered
a rival to the more moderate leadership of the ANC and had Hani not
fallen, South Africa
and the ANC would have been different. In fact, it was Chris Hani’s support for
negotiation with the apartheid government that kept militants in line.
His militant
colleague, Mr. Themba Harry Gwala, a firebrand leader of the ANC and South
Africa Communist Party was completely paralyzed while serving jail term in the
notorious Robben Island Prison. Gwala’s work along with others are critical
fountain springs that the ANC can draw on as it navigates through the
increasingly tense moment of South
Africa ’s political life.
*Onunaiju is director, Centre forChina
Studies, Utako, Abuja .
*Onunaiju is director, Centre for
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