By Anthony Akinwale
Let’s stop talking about
corruption. Let’s do something about it, something intelligent, something
within the bounds of the law and fairness, something devoid of selective
sanctions, propaganda and media trial. The recurrence of corruption as a theme
in coup day speeches and in maiden speeches of successive military strongmen
who, by force and not by a constitutionally granted mandate, took over reins of
government in Nigeria ,
challenge us to act and not just to talk.
On January 15, 1966, that bloody day of the first military coup in
Nigeria, Major Chukwuma Nzeogwu declared in his coup day speech: “The aim of
the Revolutionary Council is to establish a strong united and prosperous
nation, free from corruption and internal strife….Our enemies are the political
profiteers, the swindlers, the men in high and low places that seek
bribes and demand 10 per cent; those that seek to keep the country
divided permanently so that they can remain in office as ministers or
VIPs at least, the tribalists, the nepotists, those that make the country look
big for nothing before international circles, those that have corrupted our
society and put the Nigerian political calendar back by their words and deeds.”
But a contradiction was inherent in Nzeogwu’s speech and in the coup
itself, because it is unlawful. A coup d’état is a dangerous form of
corruption. A coup is made worse by its sectional execution. If Nigerians did
not see it this way on January 15, 1966, they became or ought to have become
wiser during the years of prolonged military rule. Those years provided
abundant evidence that you cannot use a corrupt means to fight corruption.
A government installed through undemocratic means, by a coup or by electoral
fraud, suffers from a self-inflicted handicap. It cannot fight corruption
because it is itself corrupt. Nine years later, precisely on July 29, 1975, a third coup took
place. This time, the greatest beneficiary of the coup was Brigadier Murtala
Muhammed, a young officer who led the second coup on July 29, 1966. He used his
maiden broadcast as military ruler to condemn the corruption in General Yakubu
Gowon’s junta. Gowon was the greatest beneficiary of the second coup. General
Muhammed sternly concluded his speech with these famous lines:
“This government will not tolerate indiscipline. This government
will not condone abuse of office.” In 1976, a few hours after the execution of those
accused of complicity in the abortive coup that led to the assassination of
General Muhammed, his successor as military strongman, Lieutenant-General
Olusegun Obasanjo, addressed Nigerians in these words: “I expect every public
officer, indeed, every Nigerian to measure up to a high degree of efficiency,
integrity and moral rectitude. The purge of the public service of undesirable
elements was undertaken to revitalise the service. This objective has not been
fully achieved. Those that are diligent and honest in their work need not
fear. Indeed they would be rewarded. But those who continue to be indolent,
inefficient or corrupt will be removed. These standards are set not only for
public servants but for all Nigerians.” On December 31, 1983, Nigerians who,
upon paying attention to the speeches and actions of Murtala and Obasanjo,
thought Nigeria
was saying farewell to corruption, would hear another coup day speech
denouncing corruption.
On that commencement of the second bout of military rule in Nigeria ,
Brigadier Sani Abacha treated Nigerians to another coup day broadcast in which
he said, inter alia, “You are all living witnesses to the great economic
predicament and uncertainty, which an inept and corrupt leadership has imposed
on our beloved nation for the past four years. I am referring to the harsh,
intolerable conditions under which we are now living. Yet our leaders revel in
squander mania, corruption and indiscipline, and continue to proliferate public
appointments in complete disregard of our stark economic realities.”
A few hours after that speech, a new military strongman, Major-General
Muhammadu Buhari, appeared. He addressed the nation thus: “While corruption and
indiscipline have been associated with our state of under-development, these
two evils in our body politic have attained unprecedented height in the past
few years. The corrupt, inept and insensitive leadership in the last four years
has been the source of immorality and impropriety in our society.” To be noted
is the simple fault of logic in that statement.
Corruption is said to be the source of immorality when in fact
corruption is a symptom, not the cause of immorality. But coups and logic do
not go together. The new military ruler continued: “Since what happens in any
society is largely a reflection of the leadership of that society, we deplore
corruption in all its facets. This government will not tolerate kick-backs,
inflation of contracts and over-invoicing of imports etc. Nor will it condone
forgery, fraud, embezzlement, misuse and abuse of office and illegal dealings
in foreign exchange and smuggling.”
On August 27, 1985, when Major-General Ibrahim Babangida overthrew
Buhari, he spoke of how the latter dashed the hopes of Nigerians. Babangida
stated in his maiden broadcast: “When in December 1983, the former military
leadership, headed by Major-General Muhammadu Buhari, assumed the reins of government,
its accession was heralded in the history of this country. With the nation at
the mercy of political misdirection and on the brink of economic collapse, a
new sense of hope was created in the minds of every Nigerian. “Since January
1984, however, we have witnessed a systematic denigration of that hope. It was
stated then that mismanagement of political leadership and a general
deterioration in the standard of living, which had subjected the common man to
intolerable suffering, were the reasons for the intervention.
“Nigerians have since then been under a regime that continued with
those trends. Events today indicate that most of the reasons which justified
the military takeover of government from the civilians still persist.” On May
29, 1999, the persistence of corruption was a major theme in Olusegun
Obasanjo’s speech when he was sworn into office as a democratically-elected
President.
Referring to what transpired before his second coming, he said: “Government and
all its agencies became thoroughly corrupt and reckless. Members of the public
had to bribe their way through in ministries and parastatals to get attention
and one government agency had to bribe another government agency to obtain the
release of their statutory allocations of funds. The impact of official
corruption is so rampant and has earned Nigeria a very bad image at home
and abroad. Besides, it has obstructed and retrogressed development.” He then
promised: “Corruption, the greatest single bane of our society today, will be
tackled head-on at all level.”
As he rightly said, “No society can achieve anything near its full
potential if it allows corruption to become the full-blown cancer it has become
in Nigeria .”
And in a candid Confiteor of a Nigerian political soldier, he said: “One of the
greatest tragedies of military rule in recent times is that corruption was
allowed to grow unchallenged and unchecked even when it was glaring for
everybody to see. Rules and regulations for doing official business were
deliberately ignored, set aside, or by-passed to facilitate corrupt practices.”
The military came through corruption, promised to fight corruption, became more
corrupt, and made Nigeria
more corrupt by institutionalising lawlessness and bastardising due process.
Half a century after Major Nzeogwu’s coup day speech, and despite the legendary
body language and vaunted integrity of our current President, who was a
principal actor in at least two coups, corruption is still very much our guest.
But our problem is not corruption. Our problem is our lack of
political will to address the cause of corruption. Corruption is a symptom of
lawlessness and immorality facilitated by a dangerously defective constitution.
The constitution of a country is its foundation of legality. That the
foundation of legality can be laid by a body acting in illegality is very much
in doubt. The 1999 Constitution, bequeathed by the military, is not working. If
at all it is working, it works, not for the people, but for its authors and
those the authors represent. Let’s stop talking about corruption. Let’s replace
a political arrangement that facilitates corruption with one that protects us
from corruption.
*Prof. Akinwale is a Catholic priest.
*Prof. Akinwale is a Catholic priest.
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