By
Arthur Nwankwo
There is this anecdote in Igboland about the grasshopper and the
bird called “Okpoko”, a mysterious
bird reputed for its queer ways. Okpoko
is a noisy predatory bird. She rarely catches her preys because her noisy
approach always warns her victims in advance and they scamper for safety at her
approach. But the grasshopper would not listen and scorned those who warned
her.
Regaling in her illusion that Okpoko
would not come, the grasshopper was caught unawares despite the noisy approach
of the Okpoko. In the end the
grasshopper’s stubbornness and indisposition to hearken to wise counsel would
cost her, her life. So today, one would always hear the Igbo say: “Ukpana Okpoko buuru; nti chiri ya”
literally meaning “any grasshopper that
falls prey to the Okpoko is irredeemably deaf and stubborn”.
*Arthur Nwankwo |
Interestingly, the Federal Government, after several ostrich
evasion in admitting the obvious came out in August to admit that Nigeria ’s
economy has collapsed. Today the economy is officially in recession. Some days
back (August 30th 2016), the Nigerian Bureau of Statistics (NBS) confirmed that
the Nigerian economy has gone into recession. According to the NBS, the economy
contracted by 2% in the second quarter and unemployment is also on the rise.
Many have lost their jobs in the formal sector as firms have cut staff or
folded up altogether.
This is no longer news. What is rather worrisome is the lethargy
and ineptitude of this government in rising up to the challenge.
Embarrassingly, Muhammadu Buhari and his co-travelers have repeatedly tried to
justify their lack of vision and mission on the past PDP-led Federal
Government. This escapist excuse has never, and will never be acceptable
essentially because it is the kind of excuse a lousy and slothful man gives for
failing to provide food for his family. The Bible clearly states that a man who
cannot provide for his family is worse than an infidel (1Timothy 5:8). The
federal government is the father of all Nigerians. If as the father, it fails to
live up to its expectation but take refuge in an attitude of cold complicity
and naïve excuses, it is worse than worse can be.
Much as I would not absolve the past government of any wrong
doing, it will be preposterous to blame it wholesale for the collapse of the
Nigerian economy. The truth is that our economy has always been sick. We never
cared and today a minor health disorder that could have been contained and
nipped in the bud has been allowed to metastasize into a cancerous terminal
illness.
The road to the destruction of the Nigerian economy was
constructed at the point we destroyed the regional structure we had at
independence. You will recall that each region catered for itself; paid its
workforce; built and maintained its institutions and infrastructure; and
ensured its own internal security.
*Buhari |
The regions never depended on the centre to discharge its
responsibilities. The reality of their existence and responsibilities were
enough motivations for them to look inwards and leverage on their comparative
advantages. There was healthy competitions among the regions; each striving
genuinely to out-do the other. Thus in the north one could talk about the
groundnut pyramids; the west was famous for its cocoa production; the Midwest for its rubber and timber, the south-east for its
coal and palm produce while the south-south was renowned for fishing,
agriculture and lumbering. At that time, agriculture constituted Nigeria ’s major
source of foreign exchange earnings. Even the discovery of oil in commercial quantities
in Oloibiri in 1954 did not alter this status-quo.
However, the incursion of the military in 1966 ultimately set the
stage for the birth of a unitary system of government in a country where the
founding fathers had settled for cooperative federalism. And here I want to
make certain clarifications. Some chroniclers of our history have always
assumed that General Aguiyi Ironsi’s “Unification Decree 34” was an attempt to introduce
unitary rule in Nigeria .
This is a lie from the pit of hell, which has for too long been held as
sacrosanct.
Ironsi’s decree was purely intended for unification of the military. He never abrogated the regional structure. It was actually after the counter coup by the north in July 1966 that Yakubu Gowon abolished the regional structure, created the 12-state structure in place of the regions and centralized political structured in the country. The confiscation by the military of our commonwealth and the consequent balkanization of the regional structure created an over-bearing central government that assumed so much power and made the states largely dependent on handouts from the government.
Ironsi’s decree was purely intended for unification of the military. He never abrogated the regional structure. It was actually after the counter coup by the north in July 1966 that Yakubu Gowon abolished the regional structure, created the 12-state structure in place of the regions and centralized political structured in the country. The confiscation by the military of our commonwealth and the consequent balkanization of the regional structure created an over-bearing central government that assumed so much power and made the states largely dependent on handouts from the government.
You will recall also that prior to the incursion of the military;
the south-east has the fastest growing economy in Africa ,
with the highest per capita income comparable to most developed economies of
the world at that time. Igbo enterprise naturally stirred the hatred of the
less endowed groups in the country. The Nzeogwu coup of January 15, 1966 would
provide the perfect excuse for these mortal Igbo haters to label the coup an
Igbo coup.
The outcome of this evil labeling was the implementation,
especially in Northern Nigeria , of genocidal
pogrom against the Igbo people. The resultant Nigerian Biafra War was seen as
the perfect opportunity to destroy the Igbo economy. The destruction of the
Igbo economy was a major setback for the Nigerian economy. Irrespective of
whatever anyone may say, the calculated decimation of Igbo economy created a
gaping hole in Nigerian economy.
The conspiracy by the Nigerian state to implement the dubious
indigenization decree immediately after the war was also intended to ensure the
effective shutting out of Igbos from the commanding heights of the Nigerian
economy. But as I have always said that any attempt to play Things Fall Apart
without Okonkwo is a futile attempt. The truth is that any attempt to build up
the Nigerian economy, which excludes the Igbos will always end in failure. You
can take this to the bank.
The relay-like liquidation of the Nigerian economy by the various
military regimes up until 1999 would signal the final descent of the Nigerian
economy into doom. In 1999, the PDP inherited an economy that was already
gasping for breath and on life support. Apart from the manifest corruption,
which has defined leadership in Nigeria
and from which the PDP cannot be absolved, we must give credit to the PDP for
managing the economy to the point that the APC took over.
So the penchant by the APC to always blame the PDP for its numerous failures is untenable. I find it ridiculous that nobody around Buhari is courageous enough to call him to order. The problem actually is that many Nigerians have a mentality to indulge in the servile flattering, hero-worshiping and fawning of those in positions of leadership. For every person who emerges asNigeria ’s
leader, irrespective of the person’s frailties and failings, there is always a
ready army of sycophants, praise singers and political wheel-dealers. It is in
this context that we can explain the dubious “Two-Million-Man” march of 1998 to
“plead” with Abacha to transmute from military to civilian head of state. Today
even with Buhari’s many foibles, stumbling and wobbling, we seem to learn
nothing from history.
So the penchant by the APC to always blame the PDP for its numerous failures is untenable. I find it ridiculous that nobody around Buhari is courageous enough to call him to order. The problem actually is that many Nigerians have a mentality to indulge in the servile flattering, hero-worshiping and fawning of those in positions of leadership. For every person who emerges as
The tragedy of our existence today is that we have, for reasons
of political expediency, installed a man who has no track record of managing an
economy. And here, I want to submit that Nigeria ’s economy is in recession
basically because of the type of policies adopted by the Buhari administration.
And I want to prophesy again, that if we continue as we are presently going, in
the next couple of months, we will go into depression. The signs of depression
are becoming more manifest now.
In truth, managing any economy requires visionary leadership.
It requires a leader who is intellectually capacious and willing to take
responsibility for the outcomes of his policies; a leader who is not vindictive
and vengeful; a leader who is passionate; and not one who will declare his
preference of “who gets what, when and how” on how people voted for him. We do
not have to look far to cite examples of such leaders.
President Franklin D. Roosevelt of the United States of America came to
power at a time the American economy was in depression. He had an idea of what
to do to reverse the situation. Within the first 100 days of his presidency, he
put together and passed through Congress an economic plan under the New Deal
that included banking and financial reforms, civil and public work of roads,
dams and other projects, and large-scale job and employment schemes.
President Barak Obama inherited an America with serious economic
challenges. He came to power at a point the US economy was in a meltdown. His
predecessor had gone into several wars costing the government billions of
dollars. The industries were collapsing and recession loomed large. Obama did
not sit idly by to blame George Bush. He got down to work. He injected stimulus
into dying auto-industries, banking sectors, real sectors etc and introduced
new economic regime that has come to be known as “Obamanomics”. Obama has been
able to rescue the American economy and place it once again on the front seat
of global economic giants.
In nearby Ghana ,
late president John Atta-Mills defeated a sitting president after a tightly
fought presidential election. Like President Goodluck Jonathan, Atta-Mills’
predecessor conceded defeated. In his acceptance speech after being sworn-in,
John Atta-Mills declared the entire Ghana
as his constituency and called on all Ghanaians to join him and his party in
building a new Ghana ,
promising to deal with all Ghanaians on equal measure. He did not dwell on the
failure of his predecessor as reasons for non-performance. He initiated
practical economic policies, which at his death where inherited by his successor.
Today, Ghana ’s economy is
very vibrant and one of the best in sub-Sahara Africa .
In many ways, the election of Muhammadu Buhari in March 2015
was similar to that of Roosevelt , Obama and
Atta-Mills. Agreed, Muhammadu Buhari inherited a stalled economy with oil
prices, Nigeria ’s
major foreign exchange earner, in a free fall. Curiously, since the
inauguration of Buhari in May 2015, the economy has taken a further downturn as
measures of real GDP growth- unemployment, inflation, exchange rates and the
misery index worsened.
What has been the government’s response to this worsening economic recession? Presently, Buhari and his journeymen are preparing an emergency executive bill captioned “Emergency Economic Stabilization Bill2016” ,
which would allow the National Assembly grant him emergency powers to rescue
Nigeria’s economy from recession. According to reports, the bill if passed,
would give the President sweeping powers to set aside some extant laws and use
executive orders for an economic recovery package within the next one year.
What has been the government’s response to this worsening economic recession? Presently, Buhari and his journeymen are preparing an emergency executive bill captioned “Emergency Economic Stabilization Bill
Among the powers being sought are to: abridge the procurement
process to support capital spending on critical sectors of the economy; make
orders to favour local contractors and suppliers in contract awards; abridge
the process of sale or lease of government assets to generate revenue; and
unilaterally allow virement of budgetary allocation to projects. Other
provisions seek to amend certain laws, such as the Universal Basic Education
Commission (UBEC) Act, that will reduce counterpart funding requirements by
states from 50% to 10%. As far as I am concerned, such powers would only serve
as openings for corruption on a large scale, resulting in appropriating
government assets for private gains by those in the corridors of power. So in
truth, such emergency powers would not work.
I have always asked the question: Does Muhammadu Buhari has
the capacity to turn around the Nigerian economy? I have my doubts for several
reasons. First, Buhari lacks the mental capacity to drive the process of
Nigerian’s rebirth. He lacks the focus and intellectual disposition to assume
such task. His mindset in assuming power is self-defeatist. He believes that
power has been wrestled from an “enemy” and that that enemy must be dealt with
and put in his place. For him, we are his enemy and this is an opportunity to
teach us a lesson.
This type of mindset is anti-development. During the last
global economic meltdown, the USA
and other Western governments dug deep into their reserves to inject huge
amounts of funds into the economy in what was called “stimulus”. In our present
circumstance, the government does not have the financial muscle to inject any
stimulus into any sector of the economy.
So what do we do to get out of this miry clay of economic
doom? Yes, we may not have the money; but we sure do have alternatives. These
alternatives require courage and huge political will. The first point is that
we must go back to the basics, back to our traditional values and back to the
structures adopted at independence by our founding fathers.
We need to constituionalize the existing six geo-political
zones as the federating units and catalyze them to go back to their first love;
to their traditional economic strengths. The regions or zones must be made to
look inwards to exploit their relative advantages. Considerable powers must
devolve to the zones to own and exploit resources within their areas. Every
part of this country has significant amount of resources that can sustain it.
We are not looking inwards. Our hope is built on nothing less than the oil in
the Niger-Delta.
We cannot continue like this. The government must muster enough political will to tinker with the constitution in order to give the regions or zones the latitude to go back to 1963 arrangement and restrict the federal government to its traditional areas of influence. This is fundamentally the rudiments of restructuring. In real terms, this is the most available “stimulus” that can be injected intoNigeria now; basically because no
foreign government or institution will inject money into our economy. There can
be no alternative to this type of stimulus. Perhaps, through, we will teach the
world a new strategy in statecraft.
We cannot continue like this. The government must muster enough political will to tinker with the constitution in order to give the regions or zones the latitude to go back to 1963 arrangement and restrict the federal government to its traditional areas of influence. This is fundamentally the rudiments of restructuring. In real terms, this is the most available “stimulus” that can be injected into
* Dr Arthur Nwankwo is a publisher, award-winning author, political scientist, historian and chairman of Fourth Dimension Publishing Company, the largest publishing company in Sub-Sahara Africa with over 1,500 titles.
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