By Adekeye Adebajo
The presidents of five West and Central African states – Senegal’s Bassirou Diomaye Faye, Liberia’s Joseph Boakai, Guinea-Bissau’s Umaro Cissoko Embaló, Mauritania’s Mohamed Ould Ghazouani, and Gabon’s Brice Oligui Nguema – recently visited United States (U.S.) president Donald Trump for a bizarre banquet in the White House.
*Trump with the five African leaders who he treated with disrespect ...These five countries have limited trade with America and represent just 2.3 per cent of Africa’s population, with only Senegal having a population of more than six million people in a continent of 1.5 billion people and 55 nations. Though the presidents of Mauritania, Senegal, and Liberia were democratically elected, the Gabonese leader is a former military putschist who recently won a controversial 90 per cent electoral victory, while the Bissau-Guinean leader has suspended his Parliament, clamped down harshly on dissent, and postponed elections.
What
Trump was, however, most interested in was the natural riches of these
countries: oil, diamonds, gas, gold, manganese, uranium, phosphates, iron ore,
bauxite, copper, zircon, and rare earth minerals. His pitch to his African
visitors was as crude as that of a used car salesman. After calling for “trade
not aid,” Trump praised these countries as “very vibrant places
with very valuable land, great minerals, and great oil deposits and wonderful
people.”
Significantly
the country’s riches came first, with the people almost seeming like an
after-thought. The geo-strategic context of this lunch clearly revolved around
the global struggle between the US and China in which Washington is
seeking to slow Beijing’s cornering of raw materials which will be vital for
the technologies of the future. China though, for 16 years, has remained
Africa’s largest trading partner at $295 billion, with its African commerce
four times larger than America’s.
At
the start of this banquet, Trump wheeled out the stereotype of war-torn Africa
that he had used during his recent diplomatic ambush of South Africa’s
Cyril Ramaphosa in the White House, noting: “There is a lot of anger on your
continent. We’ve been able to solve a lot of it.” The U.S. president thus
depicted the entire
African continent as being wracked
by conflicts which benevolent White Saviours were ending.
As
in Ukraine and Gaza, however, Trump’s optimism about the durability of the
Washington-brokered Rwanda-Congo peace deal (involving promises of
Congolese minerals to American business interests) seems misplaced in an
intractable regional conflict that has endured for three decades. Contradicting
his self-styled Peacemaker image, Trump then urged African leaders to buy
American arms, boasting that his recent illegal strike on Iran’s nuclear
facilities proved their efficacy.
In
response to these musings and Trump’s rude request for the five African leaders
to keep their remarks brief, the Lilliputian leaders fell over each other to
endorse America’s Mad Monarch for the Nobel Peace Prize. The African presidents
also played up to their host’s obsession with their mineral resources.
Liberia’s president displayed the instincts of a “House Negro” in referring to
Trump as “Sir.”
Only
Gabon’s president sensibly pushed for American help in beneficiating his
nation’s manganese (with the country holding a quarter of the world’s
reserves), which currently accounts for 22 per cent of China’s annual imports
of the precious metal.
Nguema
also raised the spectre of Chinese companies benefitting at the expense of
American ones. Underlining its huge lead over Washington in Africa, Beijing had
built the only major highway in Guinea-Bissau, whose leader was among the
African delegates. The most surprising of the five African leaders was the
previously staunchly anti-imperialist Senegalese president, Bassirou Faye, who
recently ended France’s military presence in his country, while seeking
to close the chapter on 65 years of neo-colonial exploitation. He lavished
praise on Trump, lauding his golfing skills and urging him to build a golf
course in Senegal, before encouraging American investors to help build a “tech
city” in Dakar.
Trump felt exhilarated by all this
flattery, noting: “I didn’t know I’d be treated this nicely.” Emboldened by his
guests’ sycophancy, he unwittingly made another patronising turn, telling the
Liberian president: “Such good English. Where did you learn to speak so
beautifully?” The American president, whose country had supported the
repatriation of freed American slaves to found Liberia in 1847 – with its
capital of Monrovia named after U.S. president, James Monroe, and its flag
modelled on America’s – shockingly did not know that Liberia was an
English-speaking country with deep American roots.
This
dialogue of the deaf reflected Trump’s trademark theatre of the absurd, and was
totally detached from reality: four of these five nations (excluding
Guinea-Bissau) were part of a list of countries that Washington is considering
imposing travel bans on, while U.S. aid cuts have devastated Liberia’s
economy, with Monrovia having previously depended on Washington for 48 per cent
of its budget.
Trump’s
quixotic charm offensive was also contradicted by his gutting of the U.S.
Agency for International Development which has badly affected the generous
HIV/AIDS funding provided to Africa since the time of his otherwise
warmongering Republican predecessor, George W. Bush.
America’s
economic diplomacy was further undermined by Trump’s slashing of international
humanitarian and peacekeeping funding and his proposed global tariffs of
10-30 per cent: all devastating blows to heavily indebted African countries
which typically spend 45 per cent of their income on servicing unpayable debts.
What
was even more extraordinary about Trump’s White House lunch with five African
leaders is that this outreach was being undertaken by a profoundly
prejudiced president who notoriously dismissed Africa in 2018 as full of
“shithole countries,” described Lesotho in his 2025 State of the Union
address as a country “no one has heard of,” falsely accused African-descended
Haitian immigrants of eating the cats and dogs of residents in Ohio during his
2024 presidential campaign, and appointed just one African-American to an
almost lily-white cabinet.
This White House engagement itself
thus unsurprisingly saw Trump display the same characteristic disrespect
towards his African guests. The five obsequious African presidents resembled
some of the colonial era African chiefs who were lured into handing over their
countries’ wealth to European colonialists with the exchange of worthless
trinkets, kettles, pineapples, and mirrors.
Trump’s
grotesque banquet represented an inversion of the notorious 1884/1885
Conference of Berlin where 14 largely European imperialists had met – without
any Africans present – to set the rules for an orderly partition of Africa.
This time, it was African leaders who were voluntarily offering up their
nations’ wealth to a white supremacist U.S. president who clearly regarded his
guests as belonging to a lower category of humanity.
Aside
from signing lucrative deals for American big business, Trump was particularly
interested in getting these countries to keep their citizens and drugs out of
America, take back nationals who had overstayed their visas, and agree to
become dumping grounds for Latin American criminals in U.S. jails. His
performance was as patronising as it was prejudiced, as insulting as it was
ignorant.
The
five African leaders appeared awed and intimidated to be in the salubrious
surroundings of the White House. They acted like servile supplicants,
displaying an embarrassing obsequiousness towards their domineering host,
without a single hint of displeasure at Trump’s unhinged nativism and
destructive policies such as backing Israel’s genocidal assault on Gaza which
the African Union has consistently condemned. Africa’s five grovelling
Lilliputians may, however, soon painfully discover the true meaning of the
American Gulliver’s adage: there is no such thing as a free lunch.
*Professor
Adebajo is a Senior Research Fellow at the University of Pretoria’s Centre for
the Advancement of Scholarship in South Africa.
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