By Femi Falana
On Tuesday, March 8, 2022, The Federal High Court (coram Inyang
Ekwo J.) sacked the Ebonyi State Governor, David Umahi, his deputy, Kelechi
Igwe, along with 15 lawmakers in the state over their defection from the
People’s Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC).
In sacking the governor and his deputy, the learned trial judge
ruled that the votes polled by a political party could not be transferred to or
utilised for the benefit of another political party or member of another
political party. In acknowledging that the Constitution was silent on the
implication of the defection of a governor or his deputy, the learned trial
judge said that “such a lacuna was not to be celebrated or even mischievously
flaunted as failure of a remedy for situations of such nature.”
Before the decision was handed down last week, the High Court of Ebonyi State had dismissed the suit filed by the APC and its flag bearers, Senator Soni Ogbuji, Justin Ogbodo in the 2919 governorship election who had prayed the Court to declare them the winners of the election since the PDP candidate had abandoned the mandate of the people by joining the APC. It was the view of the presiding Judge, Henry Njoku J. that his jurisdiction to entertain the matter had been ousted by section 308 of the Constitution, which has conferred immunity on Governor Umahi and his deputy.
In contradiction, Justice Ekwo held that immunity from civil and criminal proceedings conferred on the President, Vice-President, Governors, and Deputy Governors by section 308 of the Constitution did not apply to the case because “the cause of action and the remedy thereof cannot wait till the third and fourth defendants leave office.”
Consequently, the Court ordered the
Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to immediately declare
the persons nominated to it by PDP as governor and deputy governor or
alternatively conduct fresh gubernatorial election in the State in line with
section 177(c) of the Constitution.
Not unexpectedly, the epochal verdict has generated mixed
reactions from social commentators, political analysts and legal practitioners
and other interest groups. It is pertinent to note there is no dispute
whatsoever in the removal of the 16 legislators who decamped from the PDP to
APC because the issue has been judicially put to rest in many decided cases
pursuant to section 68(1)(g) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) which
expressly prohibits cross carpeting by legislators and provides for
circumstance(s) in which legitimate defection is permissible.
In the case of Abegunde v. Ondo State House of Assembly (2014)
LPELR 23683, the Supreme Court rejected the argument of the appellant, a member
of the House of Representatives who decamped from Labour Party to Action
Congress of Nigeria (ACN) on the basis of fractionalization of the party at the
State level. The Supreme Court held that only a division that makes it
impossible for a party to function can provide the basis for a legislator’s
defection hence, the Appellant’s seat was declared vacant.
In the instant case, there was no fractionalization in the PDP
when the 15 members of the Ebonyi State House of Assembly decamped from the PDP
to APC. The legislators decided to defect in solidarity with Governor
Umahi without considering the legal implications of their action. Having
regards to the facts and circumstances of the defection and the state of the
law the finding of Justice Ekwo on the loss of the seats by the legislators
cannot be impugned in any material particular.
But the former legislators should be prepared to contest on the
platform of the APC as INEC will soon conduct a bye-election to fill the 15
vacant seats in the parliament. No doubt, the loss of the seats and the court
order for the refund of all salaries and allowances collected by the defectors
will serve as a deterrent to other political defectors.
However, the removal of Governor Umahi and his deputy has been
questioned by some lawyers who erroneously believe that the Judge erred in law
in not relying on the authority of Attorney-General of the Federation v Atiku
Abubakar (2007) 20 WRN 1. Those who criticized the judgment on that score have
failed to realize that the main issue for determination in the Atiku’s case was
the legal priority of the decision of President Olusegun Obasanjo to declare
the office of Vice President Atiku Abubakar vacant for abandoning the political
party on whose platform he and the President were elected and joining another
political party.
While upholding the fundamental right of the Vice President to
freedom of association the Supreme Court declared illegal and unconstitutional
the President’s declaration of his Vice President’s office vacant, based on his
defection to another political party. The Court held that the Constitution does
not make express provision for the vacation of office of the Vice President
upon his defection from his sponsoring political party to another party.
Contrary to the misleading impression conveyed by many lawyers,
the Justices of the apex court did not endorse the defection of Vice
President Abubakar. Indeed, in the leading judgment of the Court, Akintan JSC
said that “The action cannot be justified by the fact that he (1st
respondent) had been suspended or expelled from the ruling political party
under which he was jointly elected with the President or that he was exercising
his fundamental right of association guaranteed by the Constitution.
What is required of him is to first resign and even after
resigning from that office, he would still be precluded from dissociating himself
from the collective responsibility for decisions taken by the cabinet while he
was in office.” Although the Court declined to order the removal of the Vice
President it was held that his action could fall under misconduct, which would
make him liable for impeachment by the National Assembly pursuant to section
143 of the Constitution.
It is on record that the Supreme Court has been consistent in
condemning cross carpeting and defection by Nigerian politicians as it has
bedeviled the political morality of the country. In the case of Federal
Electoral Commission v. Goni (1983) 2 SCNLR 227, Aniagolu, JSC said, called for
an end to the “fraudulent and malevolent practice of cross-carpeting
politicians of yester years who, for financial consideration or otherwise,
crossed from one political party to another, without qualms and without
conscience. Such a practice had to be discouraged by the framers of our
Constitution if political public morality of our country was to be preserved.”
On his own part, Obaseki JSC stated that “It is now political
history that some of the Nigerian politicians who had the honour of being voted
into Parliaments and the Houses of Assembly under the previous civilian
Constitutions just before and after independence did little to keep their
loyalty to the political parties which sponsored them for election. No self-
respecting politician would wish to see a repeat of the wave of carpet crossing
and sitting tight that characterized those eras.”
Those who have placed uncritical reliance on the Atiku’s case have failed to appreciate that the validity of the votes scored by the PDP in the presidential election did not arise for determination. To that extent, the case cannot be a justification for the subversion of the democratic rights of voters by political defectors. Whereas in the 2019 governorship election in Ebonyi State, the PDP garnered 393,343 votes across the 13 local governments areas of the state, its closest challenger, the APC, got 81,703 votes.
After the
PDP had emerged the winner of the election the certificate of return was
issued in the name of its flag bearer by the INEC Chairman, Professor Yakubu
Mahmud who stated that “I hereby certify that Nweze David Umahi of Peoples
Democratic Party (PDP) has been elected to the office of Governor of Ebonyi
State…” Even though Governor Umahi has decamped from the PDP to APC neither the
INEC nor the High Court of Ebonyi State has amended the Certificate of Return
to read “Nweze David Umahi of the All Progressives Congress”!
It is
interesting to note that some lawyers have maintained that Governor Umahi has
exercised his freedom of association by decamping from PDP to APC. While
the Governor’s freedom of association is constitutionally protected he cannot
be permitted to infringe on the democratic rights of the 393, 343 citizens who
voted for him as the governorship candidate of the PDP have been completely
ignored. Or are we to believe that the votes scored by the PDP have been merged
with those of the APC since the PDP candidate decamped to APC?
Curiously, in making a mockery of the democratic rights of the
people of Ebonyi State the critics of the judgment of Justice Ekwo have failed
to advert their minds to the undeniable fact that majority of the voters
actually exercised their franchise in favour of the PDP. After all, the
names of the candidate David Umahi and his deputy were not on the ballot
papers.
In the leading judgment of the Supreme Court in All
Progressives Congress v. Marafa, LOR (24/05/2019) SC, Justice Paul Adamu
Galinji declared that all the votes cast for the APC were “wasted votes” on the
grounds that the party failed to conduct a proper primary. The Court added that
all political parties with the second highest votes in the elections and the
required spread, are elected to the various elections. In the instant case, the
votes credited to the PDP in the 2019 governorship election in Ebonyi State
cannot be said to have been wasted based on the decision of Governor Umahi to
decamp to the ruling party. Since the said votes are not wasted it is
inconceivable that they have been legally transferred from the PDP to the APC.
Under no law in Nigeria can the exercise of the right of Governor Umahi to
defect from the PDP to APC extinguish the 4-year mandate freely given to him on
the platform of the PDP during the 2019 general election.
We wish to submit, without any fear of contradiction, that
elections are won by political parties and not by candidates. In Amaechi v.
INEC & Ors (2008) LCN/3642 (SC), the Supreme Court held that “The
above provision (i.e. section 221) effectually removes the possibility of
independent candidacy in our elections; and places emphasis and responsibility
in elections on political parties. Without a political party a candidate cannot
contest.” Pius Olayiwola Aderemi JSC, emphatically stated that, “…it is
the political parties that the electorates do vote for at election time.”
This
decision has been consistently misinterpreted by some lawyers who share the
view that the position of the apex court in Amaechi’s case has changed and that
the decision reached in Atiku’s case represents the correct position of the law
on defections by State Governors.
In a rather desperate bid to buttress the point, reliance
has been placed on the Court of Appeal decisions in INEC v Action Congress
(2009) 2 NWLR Pt. 1126-524 (CA), where it was held that, “…the participation of
a political party does not exceed campaigning for the candidate…” and Ngige v.
Akunyile (2012) 15 NWLR Pt. 1323-343 (CA) where it was said that “… a political
party is nothing more than agent of the candidate in gathering votes to an
election”.
In order to discredit the judgment of the Federal High Court, some lawyers have referred to sections 140 and 141 of the repealed Electoral Act 2010 to prove that the case of Amaechi v INEC is no longer the law. Apparently, the lawyers are not aware of the case of Labour Party v INEC (Suit No FHC/ABJ/CS/399/2011) where Kolawole J. (now JCA) had declared that both sections of the Electoral Act, 2010 for being inconsistent with sections 134 and 179 of the Constitution which imbues the judiciary/court with powers to declare the person with majority votes winner of an election process.
According to the learned trial judge “the two sections smacked of
legislative tyranny, in the sense that they removed the constitutionally
guaranteed powers of the court to declare any candidate winner of an election.
The judge further stated that what the National Assembly had done in this
instance was to deliberately interfere with judicial affairs. While noting
further that the two sections were nothing but legislative judgment…”
With respect, the Supreme Court has never jettisoned its position
in Amaechi’s case. Hence, in Wada v. Bello (2017) 3 W.R.N. 72; the court
reiterated and upheld its earlier position in Amaechi’s case when it held that
“A political party is an abstraction. It has to canvass for votes through its
members as agents, in the same way it contests, wins or loses elections through
a candidate it nominates who acts as its agents. There is no provision for
independent candidates. The candidates nominated to contest at an election by
his party acts as an agent of his party. He is, as it were, an agent of a
disclosed principal and as far as third parties are involved, benefits and
liabilities accruing to the candidate (as agent) belong to his party (the
disclosed principal).”
Thus, in line with the tenets of the rule of law the INEC has been
guided by the decisions of the Supreme Court in Amaechi v INEC and Wada v
Bello. For instance, the INEC declared the All Progressives Congress (APC) as
the winner of the December 5, 2020, senatorial bye-election held in Imo North.
The returning officer reportedly announced that APC polled a total of 36, 811
votes while PDP came second with 31,903 votes but the INEC Resident Electoral
Commissioner in Imo, Professor Francis Ezeone said that the commission was
unable to return a candidate at the time as a result of several court orders
for and against the two major contenders. Interestingly, the commission did not
declare the candidate who won the election until the Supreme Court affirmed
Frank Ibezim’s candidacy, several months after the election.
In
the same vein, in February 2022, INEC declared the APC as the winner of the
chairmanship election conducted in Abaji Area Council of Abuja but due to a
legal tussle over the party’s aspirant, no candidate was declared the winner of
the election. The INEC Returning Officer for Abaji Area Council said that it
would not be legitimate to declare any of the aspirants as the winner of the
election. He announced that, “We cannot declare a candidate winner in Abaji
because the winning party does not have a candidate here, the case is still in
court.” He said that a winner would be announced after the resolution of the
pending intra party dispute by the Supreme Court. Up till now, the winner of the
election has not been declared as the case has not been determined. It is
interesting to note that the practice of declaring political parties as winners
of elections without naming the candidates by the INEC has not been challenged
in any court.
The consistent interpretation of section 221 of the 1999
Constitution (as amended) by the Supreme Court has confirmed that votes cast
during elections in Nigeria are owned by political candidates and not by
candidates who are flag bearers or agents. Since the candidate are agents of
their principals, it is grossly misleading to insist that Governor Umahi has
transferred the 393,343 votes scored by the PDP to the APC because of his
defection.
Furthermore, Governor Umahi had constituted the government of
Ebonyi State on the basis of the majority of the lawful votes scored by the PDP
in line with the provision of section 179 of the Constitution. Thus, before the
defection of Governor Umahi from PDP to APC, Ebonyi State was a PDP-led
Government. Therefore, the APC-led Government in the State formed as a result
of the defection of the Governor is illegal as it is a negation of section 1(2)
of the Constitution which has prohibited the control of the government of
Nigeria or any part of it except in accordance with the provisions of the
Constitution.
It has also been argued that the defection of Governor Umahi in
exercise of his freedom of association has cancelled the 393, 343 votes scored
by the PDP. Even under a military dictatorship in Nigeria, the African
Commission on Human and Peoples Rights held that the cancellation of the
results of the June 12 presidential election won by Bashorun M.K.O. Abiola by
the Ibrahim Babangida military junta was a violation of the combined provisions
of articles 13 and 20 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights. See
Constitutional Rights Project & Anor. v Nigeria (2000) AHLR 198.
Furthermore, in view of the several provisions of the Constitution and the
Electoral Act which have provided for participatory democracy on the basis of
majoritarian rule the defection of Governor Umahi cannot wipe out the 393, 343
lawful votes scored by the PDP in Ebonyi State.
In
view of the foregoing, it is submitted that the judgment of the Federal High
Court delivered by Justice Ekwo is in tandem with the relevant provisions of
the Constitution, Electoral Act and the African Charter on Human and Peoples
Rights (Ratification and Enforcement) Act, Cap A9, Laws of the Federation of
Nigeria, 2004. It is also in line with the decisions of the Supreme Court which
have confirmed that elections are won by political parties.
However, in view of the penchant of members of the ruling class to
subvert the wishes of the people through cross carpeting or defection borne out
of wanton opportunism it is high time that votes were made to count in the
country. The members of the national assembly and the various state legislative
houses should take advantage of the ongoing constitutional review to put an end
to the subversion of the wishes of the electorate by compelling political
leaders who decamp from the political parties on whose platform they were
elected to resign from office forthwith.
In conclusion, I am compelled to remind Nigerian politicians and
lawyers of the cautionary words of the Honourable Justice Ganjili in the case
of APC v Marafa (supra). Worried over the brazen political manipulation and
impunity by the Nigerian ruling class, his Lordship said that, “For this great
country, some politicians who are either ignorant of what party politics is, or
out of mischief, have continuously dragged this nation backward. If care is not
taken, this class of politicians will drag this nation to the Stone Age, where
all of us will be consumed. I once again, as this court has consistently
preached, urge this class of politicians to play the game according to law and
guidelines, which they themselves have enacted. It is only when this is done
that sanity will take centre stage in the domestic and international affairs of
this great nation.”
*Falana,
SAN, is a lawyer and human right activist.
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