By Ikechukwu Amaechi
The usual refrain on the lips of Nigerian leaders, particularly those who successfully prosecuted the brutal civil war against the breakaway Biafran Republic is the indivisibility of the country.
One of them, General Ibrahim Babangida, in an interview with Arise Television on August 7, 2021 to mark his 80th birthday anniversary, put it rather bluntly: “When we were in the military, we talked about certain issues concerning Nigeria: the unity of Nigeria as far as we were concerned was a settled issue.”
While it would have been good if the unity of Nigeria
was, indeed, a settled issue, happenings in the country tend to suggest
otherwise unless the unity Babangida and his ilk talk about is the agreement by
those who won the war to permanently exclude those who lost from the table.
Otherwise, what kind of unity is it in a country where a
people that constitute a significant percentage of the population are hated and
despised not for any crime committed but because of their ethnicity?
Two recent events prompted this reflection.
First was the shameful conversion of the sanctuary of God
by a Catholic priest to a launch pad for his vitriol against Igbo congregants
in his parish.
On Sunday, February 6, Rev. Fr. James Anelu, the priest-in-charge of Holy Trinity Catholic Church, Ewu-Owa Gberigbe, Ikorodu, Lagos State, abruptly, without provocation, stopped the singing of soul-lifting Igbo songs during a service he was conducting.
In a video that went viral, the visibly angry clergy
pontificated that the excesses of Ndigbo must be curtailed if they are to be
kept from “dominating other people in this parish.”
And what was their crime? They were joyfully singing and
dancing to the altar of God during the second collection.
To the embittered and resentful priest, singing Igbo
songs in a Catholic Church in Yoruba land is not only sacrilegious but also an
intolerable act of domination.
He was so incensed that he uttered a heresy: The spirit
of God in any place recognises only languages indigenous to that geographical
location.
It is instructive that Fr. Anelu is not Yoruba, yet he is
mad at Ndigbo, his bĂȘte noire, for the audacity of being heard in a land where
they are all sojourners. If he had asked, he would probably have been told that
over 65 per cent of the money used in not only building the Holy Trinity
Catholic Church but also maintaining it, including feeding him, was contributed
by Igbo parishioners.
Barely 24 hours after his ecclesiastical faux pas, an
obviously embarrassed Alfred Adewale Martins, the Catholic Archbishop of
Lagos, issued a “disclaimer” directing Anelu to proceed on “an indefinite
leave of absence.”
In the suspension letter which he personally signed,
Archbishop Martins urged all “Catholic faithful to hold on to the faith and
continue in our worship of God as one big family united in love and not
separated by language, culture and race.”
I doubt if Anelu, wherever he is now, is penitent. He is
simply consumed by hate. He is a victim of prejudice. And we commit a serious
error of judgement if we think he is an outlier. He is not because there are
many Anelus out there in the church of God.
The second incident happened in Yola, Adamawa State. An
Igbo businessman, Vincent Umeh, who lives in the state, bought a house from a
willing seller, Ismail Mamman. Today, he cannot live in the property not
because of any infraction of the law but simply because he is Igbo.
A Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP), Ibrahim Babazango,
currently serving in Lagos, says it is an insult for an Igbo to be his
neighbour in Yola.
Umeh should reverse the purchase deal or face bitter
consequences, including risking his life, DCP Babazango decreed.
“We are a homogeneous community, I don’t want you; you
can’t be my next door neighbour, I swear. What sort of insult is this? Can any
northerner move now to the South-East, say Onitsha and just bump into any
neighborhood to buy a property; just like that?” DCP Babazango asked Umeh on
phone.
Such chutzpa may strike some as bizarre. But it is not.
Just like Fr. Anelu, DCP Babazango is also not an outlier. There are many
Babazangos in the security services who kill and maim innocent citizens just
because of their ethnic origins. That is why over 95 per cent of security
personnel deployed in the South-East at any point in time are people with
Babazango’s warped mindset.
That is the humiliation Ndigbo are subjected to in their
own country. From Lagos to Sokoto; from Bayelsa to Kebbi, they are being
harassed every day for daring to invest and own properties in their own
country.
Most times, some of these harassments are
state-sanctioned. For instance, two weeks ago, the Kano State Sharia
police, Hisbah, destroyed nearly four million bottles of beer in a crackdown on
alcoholic beverages. The bottles were crushed into the ground by bulldozers in
front of crowds cheering “Allahu Akbar” (God is Great). After the bulldozers
had done the job, Hisbah operatives then lit the crushed remains on fire and
allowed the blaze to burn into the night.
“Kano is a sharia state and the sale, consumption and
possession of alcoholic substances are prohibited,” the head of the religious
police, Haruna Ibn Sina, crowed after supervising the mindless ruining of
people’s lives.
Most of these businesses are owned by Ndigbo. There is no
law in Nigeria banning alcohol. Nigeria is a secular state, yet Sharia law
trumps the Constitution when Igbo businesses are involved. Nobody raises a
whimper in defence of the right of the people to do legitimate business in
their own country.
The irony is that just like Fr. Anelu who is sustained by
offerings made by his Igbo parishioners, Hisbah officials are paid with money
raised from the Value Added Tax (VAT) paid on the same alcoholic beverages they
destroy with glee.
Those who blame Nnamdi Kanu and his Indigenous People of
Biafra (IPOB) mentees for preaching secession ignore the asinine antics of Fr.
Anelu and DCP Babazango, the same way those who blame Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu
for declaring an independent Biafran nation in 1967 conveniently gloss over the
waves of pogrom that resulted in the killing of thousands of innocent Igbo
folks, patriotic Nigerians, most of them born in the North, with no other place
to call home until the state-sponsored carnage began in 1966.
Between May and October 1966, more than 30,000 Igbos and
other Biafrans were killed in Northern Nigeria, and between October 1966 and
June 1967 more than 100,000 more were massacred. In some instances pregnant
women were killed, unborn babies pulled out of their wombs and murdered as
well. Many of the victims were beheaded.
Those who defend that bestiality by invoking the equally
condemnable killings in the January 15, 1966 coup conveniently ignore the fact
that the then Military Head of State and Supreme Commander of the Nigerian
Army, Major-General
Johnson Thomas Umunnakwe Aguiyi-Ironsi, and the cream of the
Igbo officer corps were wiped out in the revenge coup of July 29, 1966.
They also forget that long before the January 15, 1966
coup, which was conveniently branded an Igbo putsch by those who had an
extermination agenda, pogrom had been the lot of Ndigbo in the North.
A report, “Chronology of recorded killings of Biafrans in
Nigeria: From June 22, 1945 to September 28, 2013,” put it this way:
“The first incident in which the murder of Igbo people
took place in Nigeria was in Jos on June 22, 1945. Hundreds of Ndigbo were murdered
by the Hausa-Fulani during the pogrom and tens of thousands of pounds sterling
worth of their property either looted or destroyed. No single person was
apprehended or charged by the British regime nor an enquiry set to determine
the “official” cause of this gruesome act.
“The second mass killing of Igbos and other Biafrans
happened in Kano in 1953. In both cases, thousands of Igbo people with their
families were brutally murdered and their property looted.”
So, what informed the pre-1966 pogroms against Ndigbo in
the North, senseless and gruesome killings which have continued till this day?
What those who raise the spectre of Igbo domination
simply because Ndigbo are everywhere forget is that the people love adventure.
It did not start today and it is very unlikely to end tomorrow. Many Igbo
leaders were born outside Igboland.
Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe was born in Zungeru, a town in Niger
State, on November 16, 1904, ten years before Nigeria came into being in 1914.
Odumegwu-Ojukwu was born in the same Zungeru on November 4, 1933.
The fact is that Ndigbo love travelling. They enjoy it.
That is who they are.
Do they dominate their environments? No, not at all.
Unlike what the Fulani did to the indigenous Hausa population, no traditional
institution has been usurped by Ndigbo anywhere in the country. No traditional
authority has been supplanted. Rather, they help in building their host
communities. Ndigbo are peace-loving people, who take pride in the upliftment
of other people.
In Kano and Jos where they were massacred before
independence, the Igbo State Union built schools and gave the indigenous people
scholarship. They make others happy when they are sad. That is a virtue,
not a vice, which should not call for envy and bad blood. If all other Nigerians
can imbibe the culture of live and lets life, which underpins Igbo
philosophical worldview, the country will be better for it.
Ndigbo are the glue that holds the country together. They
are the biggest ambassadors of one Nigeria and they do it not by talking like
the Babangidas of this country but by action. Such a people should be
appreciated and not despised.
Nigeria is not making progress principally because of the
way Nigerians have treated Ndigbo. It is high time they decided what exactly
they want from this egalitarian race.
Not wanting Ndigbo out of Nigeria and at the same time
not allowing them to enjoy their rights as citizens is the reason why the
country continues to plumb the depths of anomie and
normlessness.
*Amaechi is the publisher of TheNiche
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