By Dan Amor
Over the years, Nigeria 's four decrepit refineries
which were built to refine crude oil into petroleum products for local
consumption and possibly for exports were left to rot just to make room for the
importation of petroleum products by the governing elite and their contractors.
This makes it pretty difficult for the importers or oil marketers to bring the
products to the reach of the final consumers without incurring additional
costs. The effect of this excess tax on the consumers in the name of landing and
other costs of carriage from the ports to depots across the country is what
government tries to cushion so that the products would be affordable for the
common man. This extra payment government makes to the oil marketers in order
to maintain an affordable price regime for the products is what is generally
referred to as oil subsidy.
Subsidy is therefore a government policy that would
act as a palliative due to fluctuations in the international market. But what
makes this policy so controversial in Nigeria is that everything about
the oil & gas sector is shrouded in secrecy. Ever since the military
administration of General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida introduced the Structural
Adjustment Programme (SAP) in 1988, whose major intention was to vend juicy national
assets to willing buyers, those companies not sold to government officials or
their cronies, were allowed to rot in other to attract the sympathy of
Nigerians for their privatization. The refineries, two in Port
Harcourt , one in Onne near Warri and one in Kaduna , are part of those assets. Since the
Babangida era, Nigerians have been living with this menace. It triggered a lot
of civil unrests during which several Nigerians including university students
were killed.
The Military junta under the late General Sani Abacha
which inherited the crisis set up the Petroleum (Special) Trust Fund (PTF)
headed by the current President, Muhamadu Buhari, to manage the excess charges
from the pump prices of petroleum products. The fund was meant for the
provision of infrastructure across the country. In 1999, when Chief Olusegun
Obasanjo assumed leadership of the country as a democratically elected
president, he disbanded the PTF and insisted on the deregulation of the
downstream sector of the petroleum industry. But the move was resisted by
Nigerians who thought that they had long been shortchanged by government in the
oil and gas industry.*Buhari |
Obasanjo increased fuel prices seven times without
setting up an ad hoc intervention agency like Abacha did to ameliorate the pains
of the price hike. Upon assumption of office as an elected President, former
President Goodluck Jonathan, having discovered the massive fraud inherent in
the subsidy business, sought to remove it without much public enlightenment and
education to sensitize the Nigerian people. And because the removal was
ill-timed, too, as most Nigerians were yet to return from the Chritmas break in
January 2012, Jonathan's attempt to remove the subsidy was met with brick wall.
Many Nigerians thought that the move was insensitive. The opposition
politicians, who are now in power, led the civil society to occupy Nigeria ,
grounded it and made the country ungovernable for Jonathan. There was
pandemonium everywhere , and that signaled the beginning of public hatred for
Jonathan.
Many analysts believed that government had good
intention with subsidy for the benefit of all Nigerians but it was hijacked by
a cabal who found themselves in advantaged positions and capitalized on
loopholes in the system to sabotage the economy. They instigated the masses by
emphasizing the pains that would result if the subsidy was removed. Some
analysts also believed that there were issues of fuel shortages from fall in
supply, resulting in long queues before the then President Obasanjo decided to
issue allocations to individuals to import refined products and then subsidize
it. Obasanjo offered to subsidize fuel importation without asking the importers
to bring in the products and sell them the way they wanted.
By this, the government of Chief Obasanjo had
introduced middlemen and agencies with the intention of ensuring effectiveness
, but then those agencies became the albatross having constituted part of the
cartel. In a normal subsidy regime, the price of a product is determined by
what is called a plat based on the prevailing international price of crude.
Depending on the price, there could be an over recovery or an under recovery.
When prices are high in the international market, it becomes an over recovery
and the marketer pays to the government because the prices of products are low.
But when there is an under-recovery, the international price of crude is low
leading to high landing cost for marketers and government paying subsidy to
them.
In Nigeria ,
no marketer has ever paid on over-recovery even though it happens. In every
consignment of product brought into the country, the marketer makes profit no
matter how small. The maximum volume that PPMC issues out per transaction is
fifteen thousand metric tones. But because of the efforts put in per transaction,
the marketers see the profit they make as low. Consequently, they cut corners
to make more profit per fifteen metric tones transaction. This is how round
tripping and over-invoicing came about. Unfortunately, most of these marketers
get their supply from Lome/Cotonou but get subsidy payments from government
with forged documents claiming that they were imported from abroad.
They use what they call daughter vessels to bring in
consignment from mother vessels from our neighboring countries and truck them
to filling stations as imported products. Yet, available records suggest that
energy or petroleum subsidy is a measure that keeps prices for consumers below
market levels or for producers above market price or reduce costs for consumers
and producers. Subsidy may be direct cash transfers to producers, consumers or
related bodies, as well as indirect support mechanisms such as tax exemptions
and rebates, price controls, trade restrictions, and limits on market assets.
Still, from informed sources, fuel subsidy reached
$500bn globally in 2011. Renewable energy subsidies reached $88bn in 2011.
According to Fatih Birol, Chief Economist at the International Energy Agency,
without the phasing out of fuel subsidy, we will not reach our climate targets.
The IMF estimates that for 2015, the economic cost of energy subsidies
worldwide would amount to US$5.3trillion or US$10million every minute.
The most worrisome was the alleged debt of about
$800million owed marketers of petroleum products, who feared that the new
administration under President Muhamadu Buhari may not be disposed to settling
the accumulated debt. Fortunately or otherwise, Buhari who claimed not to have
known what subsidy meant when he assumed office, has been paying it secretly to
oil marketers until recently when his cartel in the Presidency advised NNPC to
solely import and supply to the marketers. Marketers in early 2015, had
resorted to hoarding fuel due to fear that they might not be paid their
outstanding subsidy claims, and, as a result, created the subsidy crisis as a
way of forcing the government of former President Goodluck Jonathan to effect
payment of the subsidy. Most Nigerians who aired their views on this burning
issue said removal of subsidy on petroleum products by the new government could
be its greatest undoing.
They see the subsidy as the only succor for the
impoverished masses of the country. According to Eniola Kabir, a Lagos driver, like some
others, removal of the subsidy would be equal to sounding the death knell of
the poor masses, who can barely afford the current pump price of N145 per
liter. "These petrol marketers would hike their pump prices out of the
reach of ordinary Nigerians; you can judge from the last product
scarcity", he said However, in government quarters, it is held that the
removal of of the subsidy would free some funds for the government to invest in
other areas and also open up the market and create a healthy competition among
Nigerians who would want to trade in the downstream sub-sector of the oil and
gas industry. The government also considers the escalating nature of the
subsidy in the face of falling crude prices, a development which has eroded its
income from the international market, being a mono-product economy nation.
Human rights lawyer, Mr. Femi Falana (SAN), had called
on the Federal Government not to remove fuel subsidy as being clamoured for in
some quarters, noting that doing so would make poor Nigerians poorer and life
and living even more difficult. Instead of removing the subsidy, Falana
suggested that the government should embark on building modular refineries
across the country to make fuel cheaper and available at all times. He made the
appeal while speaking at the June 12,1993 Presidential election anniversary in Lagos in 2015. He urged
President Buhari to go after all those that mismanaged and embezzled Nigeria 's
commonwealth and ensure they refund whatever they had stolen, noting that there
was higher level of diversion of state funds across the country.
Speaking further on how to end the 2015 fuel crisis
and produce cheaper fuel, Falana urged the Federal Government to borrow a leaf
from neighboring Francophone countries like Chad, Niger, and Cameroon, saying:
"they have been building modular refineries that cost a maximum of $15m
each." But the Buhari administration which does not listen to advice has
failed to build modular refineries almost three years into office. Now that those
who attacked Jonathan for attempting to remove the subsidy are in power, the
question on the lips of Nigerians is: will the subsidy be allowed to be or not
to be? The President had however said that removal of subsidy should be a
gradual process. Meanwhile, as fuel queues have resurfaced in all parts of the
country, the blame game and the pains continue. The Buhari administration lacks
the managerial capacity to provide succor for millions of suffering Nigerians.
It is easier said than done.
*Dan Amor, a public
affairs analyst, writes from Abuja
(danamor641@gmail.com)
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