By Steve Nwosu
If I say President
Muhammadu Buhari’s October 1 speech was pre-recorded, that could amount to “hate speech’. Especially, as I have no
documentary evidence. So, I’ll not say what I think.
*President Buhari |
Similarly, if I say
the Independence Day broadcast is the second hate speech I’ve heard from the
president in a space of 40 days, I would also be incorrect. Especially as the
details of what constitutes a ‘hate speech’ is increasingly looking like the
proverbial Malawian constitution of Kamuzu Banda’s. It is whatever they tell us
is the law that we accept as the law.
So, I’ll only
recall that, after being away for 103 days, President Buhari returned to
deliver one angry-speech (where he berated us for behaving badly, especially on
the social media, while he was away), and that about 40 days later, he
delivered yet another one (where he took Igbo leaders and elders to the
cleaners, over the Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB)).
Yes, PMB makes “anger-speech”, not “hate-speech”.
In August, he not
only addressed us as “My dear citizens” (a reminder that we could well be
subjects of an Imperial Majesty), he also accused us of crossing the ‘red line’
– a line which we did not know who drew it, or when it was drawn.
Well, PMB then went
ahead to draw a new line; he called it ‘hate speech’.
Till this day,
we’re still waiting for the DSS, the Defence Headquarters, the Ministry of the
Interior or the Attorney-General to give us a breakdown of what does (and what
does not) constitute a ‘hate speech’.
In the same August
broadcast, PMB regaled us with the ‘tales by moonlight’ story of how, as far
back as 2003, he and Dim Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu (who, by the way, is in no
position to corroborate the story) met in Daura (over two days) and decided the
fate of us 170 million Nigerians – vis-à-vis the non-negotiability of Nigeria’s
unity. It was PMB’s barely concealed resolve not to address whatever was
hurting IPOB and the Igbo in Nigeria .
And when everyone
(including the usually stubborn Obasanjo) advised that he needed to discuss
with Nnamdi Kanu and IPOB, President Buhari returned to the same podium last
Sunday, to restate that he would only address genuine grievances – like Niger
Delta militancy (and probably, Boko Haram).
So, IPOB, which is
not on record to have ordered the death of any one – nor claimed credit for any
deaths, has suddenly become the most dreaded terrorist group in Nigeria – more
deadly than the Niger Delta militants, who kidnapped, blew up pipelines and
other oil installations and crippled our economy. More deadly than bloo-thirsty
herders. Even if the herdsmen (whom we have been ‘ordered’ to stop addressing
as ‘Fulani’ herdsmen) wipe out entire villages in Benue and Enugu and Delta states, the narrative from
the Presidency deliberately underplays it, as herdsmen/farmers clash.
I always thought a
clash was more like a fight – when two parties (or more) engage in violent
face-off. I did not know that a situation whereby ‘pastoralists’, without any
provocation, invade villages and farmlands, killing everyone in sight (and in
cold blood), is also regarded as a ‘clash’. Hmmm! Isn’t it already bad enough
that we’ve been forced to accept that these murderers are not Nigerians?
Meanwhile, all Igbo
are now dubbed separatists, on the strength of IPOB.
PMB, on October 1,
was not satisfied with just dismissing IPOB (and the disquiet in the South
East) with a wave of the hand, and, as a friend pointed out last weekend,
“refusing to condescend into discussing Biafran agitation”: He lumped all the
elders and leaders of the South East together as failures – for having failed
to advise their youth. For having failed to tell their children the gory
details of the civil war massacre of the Igbo and how the Buhari government
would not mind doing it again. Yes, the same details, which successive Nigerian
governments have tried to suppress and/or sugar-coat, culminating in the
official ban on the teaching of History in our secondary schools. The same gory
details that the people of Asaba are commemorating today, 50 years after.
Of course, since we
have refused to properly and honestly educate our children, they have now had
to rely on grossly skewed folktales to fill the blank spaces – and, in most
instances, utterly mis-educating themselves. That is why we have this nostalgic
romanticism about Biafra today.
Of course, not all
Igbo are followers of Nnamdi Kanu, but all Igbo are agreed on the fact that Nigeria is
giving them an unfair deal. So, even if they’re in the minority, a key tenet of
democracy is that while the majority have their way, the minority must have
their say. So, Mr. President, you must negotiate with Ndigbo. There’s no
wishing it away.
*Steve Nwosu, former Editor of Daily Sun, is a Director at the Sun newspapers
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