By
Rotimi Fasan
President
Muhammadu Buhari sits atop a government that is very divided. The
administration is apparently in confusion with close members at war with one
another. The confusion that has resulted in Buhari’s warring and, one might
say, fumbling administration began, it can now be said with insight, when the
president decided to form a so-called kitchen cabinet of close associates and
relatives, persons directly or indirectly connected to him by marriage, blood
or religion.
These people feel answerable only to the
president and exploit their closeness to the president to wrongfoot his
policies including his arrowhead anti-corruption war. The president’s
self-inflicted injury was exacerbated by a National Assembly that was dominated
by a divided All Progressives Congress, APC, whose members elected a leadership
that has enjoyed neither the support nor trust of the party leaders.
The frosty relationship that this would
engender between the legislators and the executive arm of the administration
(particularly the presidency and anyone thought to be connected to it) can be
seen in the fate that has befallen Ibrahim Magu in his failed bid to be
confirmed as chair of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC.
But I’m a bit ahead of my explanation. So let
me return to how President Buhari brought all this upon himself and what this
now implicates for his government. Muhammadu Buhari The first appointments made
by Buhari were of a nature that got many Nigerians complaining given its
lopsided arrangement. The appointments, mostly of his immediate minders, were
almost to the last person made up of Muslim men of northern extraction. It both
reflected as well as demonstrated a tendency for mind-closure and parochialism.
But this was apparently lost on the president
who couldn’t be bothered about it, not even the fact that the Igbo presence in
the government is almost of cipher value. He ignored all questions raised about
this and, when he chose to respond, simply went ahead to defend the
appointments, explaining it all in terms of the pattern of votes that got him
elected.
He went on to consolidate the skewed pattern of
appointments even as he impressed it on Nigerians he was out looking for men
and women of impeccable credentials to work with. The question he couldn’t be
bothered to answer was if such people of character could only be found in one
part of the country if not one family and its extended networks. It was in this
rigid spirit that admits of no error that the president appointed Hameed Ali, a
retired army colonel, to the post of comptroller-general of the Nigeria Customs
Service. Yet, communication matters.
Nigerians were expected to either accept it or
deal with their rejection of the appointment on their own. There were other
similar appointments that pointed at the president’s nepotism whether intended
or not. In the end, the likes of Abba Kyari, Mamman Daura and Babachir Lawal
emerged top players in the administration and the same truculent display of arrogant
power would appear to have so far characterised their conduct in the public
space.
Aisha, the president’s wife, would later lend
voice to the exasperation of many Nigerians to the frustrating antics of these
men in an outburst that saw her questioning the hold these men had on the
president. She vowed not to vote for the president in a re-election if this
continued. All of this was before the president took ill and had to spend many
weeks receiving treatment and recuperating in the United Kingdom .
Even here these men’s touch could not be missed
in the manner they managed the controversy that followed their mishandling of
the president’s health issue. As facts are now showing, the president’s men
have not altogether been above board in their ways. The corruption allegation
against Babachir Lawal, the Secretary to the Government of the Federation,
proves this among other things. But it is not just the allegation but the
manner Lawal has chosen to respond to it that has been cause for concern.
He refused to respond to the summons of the
Senate which, in spite of its self-serving bent and the disrespect into which
it has fallen on account of its lack of moral fibre, has constitutional mandate
to demand answers of the SGF. Lawal chose to respond to the Senate on his own
terms in the same way that Hameed Ali has largely behaved in his ongoing tango
with this chamber of questionable characters. Both men no doubt took their cue
from President Buhari and his tendency to ignore his critics however
constructive their criticism.
Let’s be clear about this though: except for
its tantrum value, there was no basis in the first place for the insistence by
the Senate that Ali must appear before it in uniform. He had not been wearing
uniform before now and his appointment was of an extraordinary nature and
apparently prompted by the rot in the NCS. A simple explanation which the
presidency failed to give would have cleared this way back in July 2015 when
Ali was appointed.
That’s what I meant by communication. But the
Senate of any polity is an august body that should at all times be sobre,
clear-eyed and not be easily swayed or excited by extraneous considerations.
Neither should it be susceptible to baiting. Given the animosity between it and
the executive, and certainly aware of the arrogance with which members of the
Buhari’s inner circle carry themselves, the Senate simply wanted to embarrass
Ali by insisting he appears before it in uniform.
Ali could see this, as should many Nigerians,
and so threw the insult back at the senators. Otherwise there is no reason why
a request that Ali, as head of the NCS, justify an obnoxious policy should
become an occasion for bitter muscle-flexing. One could connect this all with
the travails of Ibrahim Magu who may have his own shortcomings but which have
not yet been clearly defined. He is for now a victim of circumstance, of the
sibling rivalry among the president’s men including Kyari, Daura and company.
If President Muhammadu Buhari appears helpless
to turn the tide in Magu’s favour even after taking the extraordinary step of
re-nominating him a second time, it is because Buhari’s ‘children’ do not want
him. Only they are close enough to the president and privy to the inner
workings of his administration.
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