By Tunde Rahman
Last Tuesday, President Muhammadu Buhari met with
South-east leaders, majorly from his the All Progressive Congress, at the Aso
Rock Presidential Villa in Abuja .
The meeting came a day after the country celebrated yet another May 29
Democracy Day.
*Buhari |
But it was also a day after the bloody Biafran protests in the
South-east cities and Asaba in the South-south, which left in its wake death
and destruction. Over 50 pro-Biafran protesters were reportedly killed across
South-east states and in Asaba, the Delta
State capital.
According to newspaper reports, two policemen also lost their
lives in the protests. One of the policemen was said to have been thrown into
River Niger .
The South-east leaders met with Buhari under the aegis of South-east Group for
Change and the 18-man delegation was led by former Senate President Ken
Nnamani. After the meeting, the delegation declined to speak with State House
Correspondents, but asked by the newshounds whether Biafra came up for
discussion at the talks, Nnamani reportedly said, “No, no, not now”. If we
believe the former Senate President that the issue of Biafra did not come up
for discussion at that meeting, then it was just a matter of time for a
presidential meeting on Biafra to be arranged because the Biafran issue has
become a thorny issue for the South-east and for Nigeria .
The Biafran issue
had become knotty again since Indian-trained lawyer, Ralph Uwazuruike, around
1999 or so, established the Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign
State of Biafra (MASSOB) with the aim, as the name suggests, of securing the
resurgence of the defunct State of Biafra. Based on the group’s activities,
including hoisting Biafran flags at different locations in the South-east, the
government accused MASSOB of violence and Uwazuruike was arrested in 2005 and
detained on treason charges. That year, MASSOB had re-introduced the old
Biafran currency into circulation. Uwazuruike was later released in 2007 but
the secessionist activities of the group, however, did not stop. For instance
in 2009, MASSOB launched ‘Biafran International Passport’ in commemoration of
the 10th anniversary of the group.
But around May 2014, the Biafran agitation took a new dimension with a new
leader for the struggle: the British-Nigerian Nnamdi Kanu who spoke of his
readiness to fight all the way. He said Nigeria would seize to exist by
December 2015. Speaking at a gathering of members of defunct Biafra, including
scores of its aged war veterans on May 30, 2014, Kanu vowed that he would not
rest until the Biafran
Republic is realised. The
event held at Ngwo, Enugu State , was the maiden commemoration of Biafran Day,
in remembrance of the events of 1967 when the late Igbo leader, Dim Chukwuemeka
Odumegwu-Ojukwu, declared the Republic
of Biafra . Kanu who was
also the Director of the outlawed Radio Biafra used the occasion to unveil a
multi- million naira cenotaph in memory of Biafra
fallen heroes killed during the civil war. He alleged that despite the
declaration of the “No Victor, No Vanquished” after the Nigeria/Biafra civil
war in 1970, successive governments in the country had continued to
deliberately marginalise and make life unbearable for the Igbo nation and its
people. He said it was unfortunate and painful that 47 years after the civil
war, the reasons for which the war was fought were still evident in Nigeria .
Kanu has been slammed with treason charges and remains in detention at present.
*Nnamdi Kanu |
So is President
Buhari’s meeting with the Igbo leaders at the Presidential Villa a new
rapprochement with the South-east? Somehow, the president’s politics with the
South-east is perplexing, in my view. The Igbo seem to have been completely
marginalised in the present government. They are not there in first five or six
topmost positions in the country and even in the pantheon of ministers where
they find accommodation, what they are charged with are not what one could call
A-list Ministries. Some may say hey but the Igbo are the architects of their
own predicament in the Buhari government, and perhaps they may be right. This
is why. During the 2015 presidential election, the Igbo turned their backs on
Buhari and voted overwhelmingly for former President Goodluck Jonathan, their
kinsman from Otuoke, Bayelsa
State , in the
South-south, who eventually lost the poll. Buhari performed woefully in that
election in the five states that make the South-east geopolitical zone.
According to official results declared by INEC, the president polled a paltry
198,248 votes compared to an overwhelming 2, 464, 906 votes garnered by Jonathan.
President Buhari was reported to have said abroad some time after the poll that
he would remember only those who voted for him. Again, in the
zoning arrangement of the now governing APC, the position of Senate President
was said to have been zoned to the South-east and many said the slot may have
been ceded to former Anambra
State governor, Dr. Chris
Nwabueze Ngige, who is now Minister of Labour. But some Igbo leaders allegedly
conspired to ensure Ngige lost or rigged out and that was how the zone allegedly
lost that exalted position.
But the challenge
facing the country at present seems to be more than what transient political
offices can resolve. It’s more deep-seated. The problem seems to be much more
intense. And I don’t envy President Buhari at all. He is buffeted by all kinds
of agitation, or is it criminality from all fronts? Apart from the Biafran
challenge; in the North-east, the Boko Haram insurgents, though de-capacitated
and decimated since Buhari took over power, continue to attack soft targets
using female suicide bombers. In the Niger Delta, a new militant group, the
Niger Delta Avengers, is busy wrecking havoc on oil and gas installations and
dealing a blow to the country’s main revenue earner, oil.
Tuesday’s bloody protests across some cities in the South east, staged by those who dubbed themselves Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), to celebrate Biafra Day Anniversary, have again shown that the Biafran agitation is still alive and remains a potent challenge. So what should be done by the Buhari government? Some have suggested the government adopt the Carrot and Stick option: apply force to curb the criminal and violent aspects of the agitation and then address the genuine feelings responsibly expressed- For instance, some politicians like the Founder and Chairman of United Progressives Party (UPP), Chief Chekwas Okorie, had urged President Buhari to release detained Director of Radio Biafra Nnamdi Kanu, as a prelude to dialogue with the aggrieved members of MASSOB, IPOB and other affiliate groups demanding Biafra secession.
Tuesday’s bloody protests across some cities in the South east, staged by those who dubbed themselves Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), to celebrate Biafra Day Anniversary, have again shown that the Biafran agitation is still alive and remains a potent challenge. So what should be done by the Buhari government? Some have suggested the government adopt the Carrot and Stick option: apply force to curb the criminal and violent aspects of the agitation and then address the genuine feelings responsibly expressed- For instance, some politicians like the Founder and Chairman of United Progressives Party (UPP), Chief Chekwas Okorie, had urged President Buhari to release detained Director of Radio Biafra Nnamdi Kanu, as a prelude to dialogue with the aggrieved members of MASSOB, IPOB and other affiliate groups demanding Biafra secession.
I’m not here opposed
to dialogue. Even where force is employed, the warring groups still come back
to the negotiating table to dialogue and to resolve the contending issues in a
peaceful atmosphere. But the violence and criminality must first come to an end
to pave way for dialogue and negotiation. The country has recorded so much
bloodshed in various parts of the country and there has to be a stop to it. How
do we do this? Notable leaders in the country have proffered an answer. They
canvassed the restructuring of the country, saying it’s the ultimate panacea
against all the agitation and violence rocking the country. Only last week at
an event in Abuja ,
former Vice President Atiku Abubakar renewed the call for the restructuring of
the country. He said restructuring the Nigerian federation is the answer to the
agitation by its component units. Among those who had also earlier called for
the restructuring of the country is former Commonwealth Secretary-General,
Chief Emeka Anyaoku, who said Nigeria
should return to an arrangement where the present six geopolitical zones will
form the six federating units.
I wholeheartedly
support the suggestion, but saying that is the easier part. How do we bring
about the restructuring when the country’s constitution recognises the 36
states, and not the geopolitical zones, as federating units and we have elected
President, Governors, National and State Assembly Members among others in place
who may not be ready to give up their comfort zones? Luckily enough, the
framework for the restructuring was fashioned out at the 2014 National
Conference convened by former President Jonathan in Abuja . Some may question the motive for the
convening of that conference, but its outcome is something worth examining by
the Buhari regime. Methinks it’s time the government took a serious look at the
recommendations of that conference on the restructuring of the country.
*Tunde Rahman, a commentator on public issues,
could be reached with tunderahmanu@yahoo.com (08055069548 (Text only)
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