By Reuben Abati
“No matter how far the town, there is another beyond it” – Fulani Proverb.
“No matter how far the town, there is another beyond it” – Fulani Proverb.
There
has been so much emotionalism developing around the subject of the recent
clashes between nomadic pastoralists and farmers, and the seeming emergence of
the former as the new Boko Haram, forbidding not Western education this time,
but the right of other Nigerians to live in peace and dignity, and to have
control over their own geographical territory. From Benue, to the Plateau,
Nasarawa, to the South West, the Delta, and the Eastern parts of the country,
there have been very disturbing reports of nomadic pastoralists killing at
will, raping women, and sacking communities, and escaping with their impunity,
unchecked, as the security agencies either look the other way or prove
incapable of enforcing the law. The outrage South of the Sahel is understandable. It is argued, rightly or
wrongly, that the nomadic pastoralist has been overtaken by a certain sense of
unbridled arrogance arising from that notorious na-my-brother-dey-power
mentality and the assumption that “the Fulani cattle” must drink water, by all
means, from the Atlantic Ocean .
It
is this emotional ethnicization of the crisis that should serve as a wake-up
call for the authorities, and compel the relevant agencies to treat this as a
national emergency deserving of pro-active measures and responses. It is not
enough to issue a non-committal press statement or make righteous noises and
assume that the problem will resolve itself. Farmer-pastoralist conflict poses
a threat to national security. It is linked to a number of complex factors,
including power, history, citizenship rights and access to land. Femi
Fani-Kayode in a recent piece has warned about Nigeria
being “on the road to Kigali ”, thus
referring to the genocide that hobbled Rwanda in the 90s as the Hutus and
the Tutsis drew the sword against each other. Fani-Kayode needs not travel all
the way to Rwanda .
Ethnic hate has done so much damage in Nigeria already; all we need is to
learn from history and avoid repeating the mistakes of the past.
Ethnic
hate, serving as sub-text to the January 1966 and July 1966 coups, for example,
set the stage for the civil war of 1967 -70. The root of Igbo-Hausa/Fulani
acrimony can be traced back to that season when Igbos were slaughtered in the
North, the Hausa/Fulani were slaughtered in the East and Nigeria found itself in the grip of a “To Thy Tents, O Israel ” chorus. Ethnic hate
also led to the Tiv riots, crisis in the Middle Belt since then, and the
perpetual pitching of one ethnic group against the other in Nigeria ’s
underdeveloped politics. We should be careful.
We
need to remind ourselves that the current friction between the pastoralists and
their farming host communities is one of such potential factors that can
further tear the nation apart. Nigeria
cannot afford a second civil war or mass-scale genocide. Today, every other
Nigerian is afraid either of the Boko Haram or the nomadic pastoralist.
It is not likely that the populations south of the Sahel
will continue to stand idly by and allow herdsmen to trample upon their lands,
destroy their crops, kill, maim and rape and then get away with it. A resort to
self-help such as occurred in 1966 could have serious national security
implications. With the economy in crisis, with anger in the land, and the
people feeling disappointed, we cannot afford any evil trigger to deepen the
nation’s woes. So, the state cannot afford to be aloof or indifferent.
Nomadic
pastoralism is at the heart of the Fulani cultural lifestyle, and that is why
there has been so much labeling of the Fulani in the emerging narrative,
whereas the violent herdsmen certainly do not represent Fulani interest. For
centuries, the Fulani, living across West Africa ,
have herded cattle from one part to the other, across borders. In Nigeria , the
migration is seasonal or cyclical: as the dry season begins in the North, the
herdsmen travel with their livestock down south in search of pasture and water,
and to avoid seasonal diseases. After about six months, with the onset of the
rainy season and farming in the South, they travel back to the North. Along the
route, they sometimes settle down, develop a relationship with the farming
communities and function as transhumance pastoralists, in fact, many herders
used to pay homage to the local hosts, but over time, the politics of power,
identity, and access to land as well as differences in culture, lifestyle and
religion began to cause friction. It is an old problem that has gotten worse as
the sedentary farmers whose land is violated by the nomads complain and the
local power elite who are soon displaced by the settling nomad fight back in
protest, thus creating a relationship fuelled by fear and mutual suspicion.
The
new phenomenon of the nomadic pastoralist now behaving as a conquering group of
invaders, ready to inflict terror, and not ready to ask for permission for land
use, is where the big problem lies. The bigger problem perhaps is the
refusal of the nomadic pastoralist to give up an old tradition that has become
antiquated in modern times, or perhaps in urgent need of modernization and
reform. And to insist on that old mode on the grounds that the life of a
cow is more important than that of a human being is worse than the Boko Haram
phenomenon. There are Nigerians, including the Fulani, who consider the
lives of human beings far more important. Even if there is an ironic
interdependence between the pastoralist and the farmer: both provide food, both
trade with each other, the farms provide grass and crop fodder, the cattle
provide manure: the disruption of this economic interdependence and its
replacement by fierce competition for space, power and resources is the source
of the present tragedy.
The
politicisation of the relationship between the pastoralist and the farmer as an
extension of national politics, and the failure of Nigeria ’s leadership elite, is part
of it. Most of the herdsmen making the long seasonal or cyclical journey North
to South and back, now wielding sophisticated guns, with rounds of ammunition,
are actually hired economic agents. The real herdsmen are big men in high
places; the ones with the resources to buy herds of cattle, and hand over guns
to their boys on the roads of Nigeria .
That is the source of the arrogance, the impunity, and the meanness of the
herdsmen. That is why you’d find herdsmen with cattle and goats on major
expressways and no security agent will stop them. It is also why they go to the
airports and actually herd cattle across the runway.
A
few years ago, there was a head-on collision between a cow and an aircraft at
the Port Harcourt
International Airport .
Rather than get the herdsmen arrested, airport staff including the security
agents on duty were busy scrambling for a share of free meat. The people to
talk to are those men in high places, and this includes an emerging crowd of
non-Fulani investors in the cattle-rearing business (yes!), whose support and
acquiescence allows this kind of madness to happen in 21st Century Nigeria .
There
used to be in Northern Nigeria , a Grazing
Reserves Law. Grazing Reserves were created across the North, but these were
not maintained and later, the big men converted the reserves to plots of land
and shared them out. To avoid the clash with farming communities in the
South, those reserves can be created afresh in the 19 Northern states. More
ranches and farms for livestock production and management should also be
established. There is no need for National Grazing Reserves, which would bring
the nomadic pastoralist into worse conflict with other communities insisting on
their right to land in their geographical territory. Nomadism may have been a
way of life for centuries, but we are in the 21st Century and there are better
ways to manage livestock. The argument that nomadic pastoralism is
cultural is on all fours with that equally silly argument that child marriage
is cultural. Certain things just must change if society must make progress.
One
of the original reasons the pastoralist goes to the South with his cattle is
desert encroachment and the lack of pasture during certain periods of the year.
What makes the life of the herder worse is global warming and climate change:
the seasons have become unpredictable and the life of the nomad has become
riskier than ever. This was a foreseeable problem; hence, for years, Northern
governments spoke about afforestation, irrigation projects, and the urgent need
to check the menace of desertification. Obviously, managers of the project
seemed to have been more interested in money and contracts. Rather than
think ahead and provide pasture for livestock, a major element in the
agricultural business of the North, the leaders chose to provide pasture for
their own stomachs. They have in the end turned what could have been managed
with vision into a nightmare for the rest of Nigeria .
One
way forward is for Government to takes steps to sedentarise the nomads. In many
parts of Africa , climate change and the
transition to a modern way of life have turned many nomads into
agro-pastoralists, spending more time farming than moving up and down as the
elements and the herds dictate. Herdsmen are usually young men, and children.
They probably would be of better value to society if they are encouraged to go
to school, and not sentenced to a life of risk and violence. Insisting on the
establishment of ranches and farms and more sustainable and modern methods of
livestock management will also rescue many of those children who are recruited
as nomads so early and place them on the path of a more productive future.
The
story of the gun-totting herdsmen should also draw attention to the
proliferation of small arms and ammunition. Our borders are porous allowing
herdsmen from across West Africa to enter Nigeria
unchecked, wielding dangerous weapons, left-overs from wars in Mali and Libya . Border controls must become
stricter, and Nigeria
should take a more serious interest in the ECOWAS Convention on small arms and
light weapons. The cost of negligence in this regard is to be measured by the
frightening number of persons that have been killed by herdsmen since January
2016 alone. The herdsmen must be stopped; impunity must be punished, not
condoned. Every step should be taken to prevent a slide into anarchy.
*Dr. Abati is former adviser to former President Goodluck
Jonathan
No comments:
Post a Comment