By Amanze Obi
Some 584 days ago, something
called Chibok crept into the Nigerian lexicon. We were told that a certain
sleepy town in Borno
State that goes by that
name had been invaded by Boko Haram terrorists. The gist of the strange tale
was that over 200 schoolgirls had been abducted from a secondary school in the
town.
The story, strange as it was, bore
the ring of the familiar. It was in line with what had become almost customary
– the daily invasion of northern enclaves by Boko Haram insurgents.
Consequently, government, as it appeared then, did not take exception to it. Besides,
the story resonated more with theory. How did the abduction take place? Where
were the authorities of the school when it happened? What about the Nigerian
security network that operated in the North East? Did they, by any means, know
something about the famed abduction?
Answers to these questions did not
come handy. They were far to seek. Because this was the case, the government of
the day, which was honed in by its effort to establish the truth of the matter,
was not quick to respond to the abduction story.
That was the period of high wire
politics. It was a period when the Jonathan presidency was encircled by a web
of conspiracy but which was hardly obvious to the president himself.
While the president groped in the
dark, the conspirators had a field day. They tightened the noose around his
neck. And so, because the Jonathan presidency was not seeing clearly, opposite
people seized the stage. They went to the roof tops with the story of the
abduction. Then the international media took over from them. And before long,
the government of the day was crippled by the story of the abduction.
For those who had been
characterising Jonathan and his presidency as clueless, it was as if a staple
had been prepared for them. They grabbed it with both hands and devoured it
with relish. A major crisis of confidence had begun for the Jonathan
government.
Then to give the impression that
the entire drama was choreographed, an emergency body called Bring Back Our
Girls stepped out almost without effort. They had their assignment well cut out
for them. They were to face the Presidency and create the impression the world
over that the government was incapable of safeguarding the life and property
of its citizenry. In their determination to lower the esteem of the government
of the day, they marched through streets and cities and finally found a
permanent abode somewhere in Abuja .
Theirs was a full time engagement.
They were there everyday from dusk to dawn. At some point, discerning
Nigerians began to wonder. Were the campaigners so idle that they could not
find something else to do? Having drawn attention to itself as a body committed
to the return of the schoolgirls, shouldn’t the campaigners have jettisoned
the schoolboy approach and engaged the issue with maturity and decorum? These
were some of the worries expressed by many.
Consequently, many came to
believe that there was more to the campaigns than met the eyes. In fact,
government was ill at ease with the campaign. It had every cause to believe
that it was enemy action. It was convinced that it was an instrument in the
hands of the opposition to further decimate the Jonathan administration.
The trick, intent or motive of the
Chibok campaigners, whatever it was, worked. Their campaign created a crisis
of credibility for the Jonathan presidency and the international Press cashed
in on it. The Western media, particularly, bought the message of the campaign
hook, line and sinker. The latter day effort made by the Jonathan
administration to explain the situation did not sink. It was late in coming.
And as is always the case in the world of politics, the opposition assumed the
moral high ground.
Buhari, the face of the opposition,
took over the stage. He told us that he would rescue the schoolgirls if voted
into power. He also said that he knew what to do to stop the Boko Haram insurgency.
Yet, he would not give the clue to Jonathan. He would rather have the country
crash in the hands of Jonathan than offer a helping hand. It did not matter
that the entire Nigeria
was faced with an evil called Boko Haram and that everybody, regardless of
party affiliation, needed to be united in the war against terror. And so,
Buhari kept his magic wand until Jonathan crashed out of the presidency.
Then, as if to lend credence to
the position that the Chibok campaigners were an instrument in the hands of the
opposition, their voices went shrill the moment Buhari was declared elected by
the electoral commission. The accustomed fire in the campaigners burnt out in a
jiffy. Within weeks of Buhari’s ascension to the office of president, the fire
in the campaigners became an impotent ash. Yet, the Chibok schoolgirls were not
out.
Then you began to wonder what
difference it made whether it was Buhari or Jonathan. What was constant was
that the girls must be rescued. Why abandon the campaign because a Buhari has
become the president? Was the campaign just tailored to make Buhari president
and nothing more? Why did the campaign start and end with Jonathan? It’s
questions and more questions.
I had thought, and that was the
impression we were given, that the Chibok campaigners were driven by our common
humanity. They said they were concerned about our daughters, who were
forcefully taken over by the terrorists. They wanted the girls back because
they said it was unimaginable that over 200 teenage girls could just disappear
without a trace. They said it was the shame of a nation. They said they would
not leave their campaign arena until the girls were brought back. A few doubted
their sincerity, but many believed them.
So, what could have happened? Have
the milk and blood of our common humanity suddenly gone dry in the veins and
marrow of the campaigners? Is it no longer abhorrent to imagine terrorists
forcefully taking over our innocent daughters as sex slaves? When and how did
the standards change? I will need one of the Chibok campaigners to address
these nagging questions. If they do not, those of us who are still worried
about the silence that has enveloped the country over Chibok will be forced to
believe otherwise. We will begin to see the campaigners as hirelings, indeed as
people of little or no integrity who lent themselves out to be used for an odd
job.
On the side of the government, it
will be interesting to know why Chibok is no longer an issue. Why is it no
longer urgent to rescue the girls? Where is the magic wand that Buhari touted?
Is he also clueless as they said Jonathan was? Indeed, where is Buhari’s own
clue? We need to see it in action. And the best and most urgent action here is
the rescue of the girls.
The government of the day should
not allow us to be driven into the belief in some quarters that no girls were
abducted after all. That Chibok was a fraud. That it was a well programmed
instrument of blackmail directed at the Jonathan presidency in the push for
its fall. And that it is now time to throw away that instrument since its
objective has been achieved. Like the Chibok campaigners, government also needs
to explain to Nigerians what has become of the Chibok affair. Should we
continue to talk about it? Or should we consign it to the ash heaps of history?
*Amanze Obi can be reached via amaobi@yahoo.co.uk
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