By Ikechukwu Amaechi
Saturday,
September 5, was exactly 100 days since Muhammadu Buhari took the oath of
office as President. His four-year term has 1,461 days and 100 days are only
6.8 per cent of it.
Though it has almost
become a global convention to assess the achievements of an administration,
particularly in a democracy, in its first 100 days, nobody really expects any
fundamental accomplishment in so short a time.
What is
indisputable, however, is that 100 days is long enough to lay the foundation of
an administration and sketch policy.
So, while it may
be ‘morning yet on creation day’, there are certain milestones that ought to be
achieved. These milestones say a lot about the preparedness of a new regime to face
the challenges of governance.
For instance, in
an interview in Sunday Vanguard on August 30, Professor ABC Nwosu, former
Minister of Health, used former President Olusegun Obasanjo to buttress what it
means to be prepared for governance.
He recalled that
when “Obasanjo appointed me on May 29, 1999 [and] I went to see him that
evening after his having been sworn in, he gave me two draft bills – one on the
NDDC and the other on the ICPC. He had them ready before day one.
“Both
institutions were new concepts but they have endured till today. This is the
difference between success and failure in governance.”
It is interesting
to note that rather than telling us which direction the government is headed,
chieftains of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) are disclaiming the
promises they made in the heat of electioneering just because of the threshold
of 100 days.
*President Buhari and Vice President Osinbajo
While denying
that Buhari ever promised to publicly declare his assets, his Special Adviser
on Media and Publicity, Femi Adesina, said it was the APC that made the promise
during the campaign.
“You need to get
his words right. Go and check all that the president said during the campaign.
In no place would you see it attributed to him as a person.
“But then there
is a document by his party, the APC, saying he would declare publicly. So, we
need to get that right; it was a declaration by his party.
“The law requires
public officers to declare their assets and he has done that,” Adesina said in
a recent interview.
The document Adesina
was disclaiming is “My Covenant With Nigerians”, which Buhari personally signed.
In the concluding
paragraphs of the introductory note, Buhari wrote: “I know, however, that what
we require to revamp our economy and rebuild our country is our ability to
galvanise all our citizens to believe once again in their government, in their
country and especially, to believe in themselves.
*Buhari visiting his cows
“This can only
happen if we are able to rebuild the trust and belief that our people used to
have in government, and indeed, in our nation. The leadership that I will
provide will be built on this critical awareness.
“This Covenant is
to outline my agenda for Nigeria
and provide a bird’s eye view of how we intend to bring about the change that
our country needs and deserves.
“This covenant is
derived from the manifesto of my party, the All Progressives Congress (APC).
It, however, represents my pledge to you all when I become your president.”
On corruption and
governance, Buhari said: “No matter how vast our resources, if they are not
efficiently utilised, they will only benefit a privileged few, leaving the
majority in poverty.”
He then made the
popular statement, now the mantra of his presidency: “I believe if Nigeria does not kill corruption; corruption
will kill Nigeria .”
Buhari equally
made a solemn pledge to “publicly declare my assets and liabilities and
encourage my political appointees to also publicly declare their assets and
liabilities.”
This is the
important document Adesina repudiated because Nigerians demanded that their
president makes good his promise to publicly declare his assets.
Why did Buhari, a
man who was so ‘poor’ he relied only on goodwill to raise N27.5 million to buy
his party’s expression of interest and nomination forms for the 2014 presidential
primaries, find it difficult to publicly declare his assets?
Why did he
suddenly realise that the law only requires public officers to declare their
assets? Did anybody ever tell him the law said otherwise when he voluntarily
made the promise?
If we concede to
Buhari that he complied with the law by declaring his assets to the Code of
Conduct Bureau, why were we assailing former President Goodluck Jonathan who
did the same and said he didn’t give a damn about public opinion that he should
do so publicly?
Even if Adesina’s
spin that the document was APC’s and not Buhari’s is assumed to be correct (it
is not), it raises another fundamental issue of double standards.
While the crisis
in the National Assembly (NASS) raged, Buhari was quoted many times as
insisting that the party is supreme and the gladiators in the NASS must bow to
the dictates of the party.
It would appear
his vaunted party supremacy only applies to legislative offices. That is sheer
hypocrisy.
The denials even
got more absurd when the other spin doctors of the APC weighed in.
While Adesina
distanced Buhari from the document but admitted, nevertheless, that it was
authored by the APC, both Garba Shehu, Senior Special Assistant to the
President on Media and Publicity, and Lai Mohammed, APC Publicity Secretary,
claimed that neither the party nor Buhari knew anything about it.
Shehu kicked off
the campaign of distancing the APC and Buhari from the campaign documents that
swayed votes for him and his party in an opinion article published on August
28.
He wrote: “In the
course of electioneering, the presidential campaign had so many centres of
public communication which, for whatever reason, were on the loose.
“There is a
certain document tagged ‘One Hundred Things Buhari Will Do in 100
Days’ and the other, ‘My Covenant With Nigerians’.
“Both pamphlets
bore the authorised party logo but as the Director of Media and Communications
in that campaign, I did not fund or authorise any of those. I can equally bet
my last kobo that candidate Buhari did not see or authorise those
publications.”
A few days later,
Mohammed upped the deceitful ante. He said on Channels Television that Buhari
and the party had nothing to do with any other campaign materials apart from
the APC manifesto and constitution.
“Buhari never
promised to do anything in 100 days, that’s the honest truth,” he insisted.
“When you are
running a campaign, all kinds of literature will emerge from all sorts of
groups but there are only two documents that you can judge a party with: That
is the constitution of the party and the manifesto of the party.”
Really? If Buhari
never promised to do anything in 100 days, on what basis was he elected?
All these denials
are egregious lies, revisionism at its worst, which raise a fundamental
question. Do APC chieftains and the Presidency have any good reason to be
agitated about being put in the cross-hairs over promises made before the
elections, which catapulted them to power?
Now that Buhari
and Vice President, Yemi Osinbajo, have finally made public what they filled in
their assets declaration forms, the question that agitates the mind is why all
the foot dragging? In a country where local government councilors become
millionaires before the end of their tenure, why would a former military head
of state, former petroleum minister, former military governor, and former
chairman of Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF) hesitate in declaring 270 heads of
cattle, two mud houses, and N30 million publicly as his assets?
Or is there more
to this assets declaration ritual than we are being told?
What this
needless drama has proved is that our leaders are not prepared to keep their
word unless the people so demand.
Buhari, despite
his vaunted integrity and transparency, is not different.
*Ikechukwu Amaechi, the former
Editor of Daily Independent, is the
Editor-in-Chief/Managing Director of the The Niche newspaper (ikechukwuamaechi@yahoo.com)
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