By Chuks
Iloegbunam
The first shots shattered the peace of the night at the
Abeokuta Garrison of the Nigerian Army a few minutes after midnight on July 29,
1966. Three casualties lay instantly dead in the persons of Lieutenant Colonel
Gabriel Okonweze, the Garrison Commander, Major John Obienu, Commander of the 2nd Reece Squadron, and Lieutenant E. B. Orok, also of the Reece Squadron. It was
the beginning of the much-touted revenge coup of Northern Nigerian army
officers and men against the regime of Major General Johnson Thomas Umunnakwe
Aguiyi-Ironsi. By August 1, when Lieutenant Colonel Yakubu Gowon assumed power
in Lagos as Nigeria’s
second military Head of State, the bullet ridden bodies of both Ironsi and his
host, Lieutenant Colonel Francis Adekunle Fajuyi, the military Governor of Western
Nigeria, lay buried in shallow graves at Iwo,
outside Ibadan. “Within three days of the July outbreak,
every Igbo soldier serving in the army outside the East was dead, imprisoned or
fleeing eastward for his life”, observed Professor Ruth First in The Barrel of a Gun: The Politics of Coups
d’Etat in Africa [Allen Lane The Penguin Press, London, 1970, p317.]
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| *Yakubu Gowon |
But Africa’s bloodiest
coup did not stop at that stage, despite the shooting deaths of 42 officers and
over 130 other ranks, who were overwhelmingly Igbo. The killing sprees and
ever-expanding killing fields spread like wild fire across most of the country.
There were three phases to the coup – the Araba/Aware massacres in northern Nigeria
pre-July that called for northern secession, the July Army bloodbath, and the
ethnic cleansing that went on for months after Ironsi had been assassinated and
his regime toppled. The maelstrom prompted Colonel Gowon into making a radio
broadcast on September 29, 1966. This was the kernel of what he said:
“You all know
that since the end of July, God in his power has entrusted the responsibility
of this great country of ours into the hands of yet another Northerner. I
receive complaints daily that up till now Easterners living in the North are
being killed and molested, and their property looted. I am very unhappy about
this. We should put a stop to it. It appears that it is going beyond reason and
is now at a point of recklessness and irresponsibility.”
But Gowon’s salutary intervention changed nothing, as the
massacres continued unabated. Northern soldiers and civilians went into towns,
fished out Easterners and flattened them either with rapid gunfire or with
violent machete blows, leaving their properties looted or torched. According to
the Massacre of Ndigbo in 1966: Report of
the Justice G. C. M. Onyiuke Tribunal, [Tollbrook Limited, Ikeja, Lagos]
“…between 45,000 and 50,000 civilians of former Eastern Nigeria were killed in
Northern Nigeria and other parts of Nigeria from 29th May 1966 to
December 1967 and although it is not strictly within its terms of reference the
Tribunal estimates that not less than 1,627,743 Easterners fled back to Eastern
Nigeria as a result of the 1966 pogrom.”
This is contemporary Nigerian history, only 50 years old.
But when experts like Dr. Reuben Abati and Professor Jonah Elaigwu write about
it, they lose all sense of numeracy and statistical acuity, and glibly state
that the July 29, 1966 counter-coup cost “many” Igbo lives. Well, the truth is
that the July 29 counter-coup appears to be the bloodiest in the world’s
recorded history because the casualty figures it posted far outstrip those
registered in decidedly bloody coups like the Glorious
Revolution of 1688 in
which King James II of England was overthrown by an invading army led by
William III of Orange-Nassau; the 18
Brumaire of 1799 coup in which General Napoleon Bonaparte overthrew the French
Directory on November 9, 1799; the Wuchang Uprising of 1911 that overthrew the
Qing Dynasty and led to the establishment of the Republic of China; the
Bolsheviks October Revolution of 1917 that led to the creation of the Soviet
Union; and the Iraqi coup d’état of 1936, the first among Arab countries. Each
of these coups/revolutions led to war. But none of them managed anything near
the sea of blood occasioned by July 29, 1966.
Given their interest in posting photographs
and videos on the Internet by Instagram and Snapchat, and advertising mostly
poor language on Facebook and other such portals, today’s Nigerian youths may
know next to nothing about what led to the catastrophe of July 29. But the
details follow here for those of them interested in learning. The problem sat
rigidly on the superficiality of Nigeria,
a geographical expression contrived by colonialist Britain. At Independence
in 1960, the country operated a federal system of government with three
powerful regions that didn’t take dictation from Lagos, the nation’s capital. A fourth region,
the Midwest, with capital in Benin
City, was created in June 1963. But destroying the
very fabric of the artificial political entity were tribalism and corruption,
corruption which by today’s standards, would seem like cloistered nuns
delightfully engaging in a game of Ping-Pong!
